John Knox — Closing Years and Death

CHAPTER VII CLOSING YEARS AND DEATH

It is time to part from the public life of the greatest public man whom Scotland has known.

That side of Knox's work, attractively presented to the world at first in the memorable biography of Dr Thomas M'Crie, has been admirably restated by Dr Hume Brown for a later age and from his own judicial standpoint.

But Knox's public life was not the whole of his work: in bulk, it was a small part of it.

When he became minister of Edinburgh in 1560 there was only one church there; St Cuthberts and Canongate were country parishes outside.

It was some years before he got a colleague; and, as sole minister of Edinburgh, he preached twice every Sunday _and three times during the week_ to audiences which sometimes were numbered by thousands.

Once a week he attended a Kirk Session; once a week he was a member of the assembly or meeting of the neighbouring elders for their 'prophesying' or 'exercise on Scripture.'

Often he was sent away to different districts of the country on preaching visitations under the orders of the Church.

But when Knox was at home, his preparations for the pulpit, which were regular and careful, and his other pastoral work, challenged his whole time.

And this work was carried on in two places chiefly; in St Giles, which now became the High Church of Edinburgh, and in his house or lodging, which was always in or near the Netherbow, a few hundred yards farther down the High Street.

The picturesque old building 'in the throat of the Bow,' which attracts innumerable visitors as the traditional house where Knox died, was not that in which he spent most part of his Edinburgh life.

From 1560 down to about the time of his second marriage he lived in a 'great mansion' on the west side of Turing's or Trunk Close; and thereafter for some years in a house on the east side of the same close.

Neither of them now exists; but the entrance into the High Street from both was under the windows of the third or Netherbow house, which is shewn in modern times, and which was probably ready for Knox's reception, if not earlier, at least when he came back from his latest visit to St Andrews.

In these he kept his books, which constituted much the larger part of his personal property--('you will not always be at your book,' Queen Mary had said, as she turned her back upon him in closing their second interview).

And with them, and with helps from the old logic and the new learning (for while abroad he had added Hebrew to his previous instruments of Greek and Latin) he studied hour by hour for the sermons which he delivered--and their delivery also lasted hour after hour--in the great church.

In that church there was occasionally much to draw even the vulgar eye.

One day it was Huntly, the great Catholic Earl, the most famous man in Knox's opinion among the nobility of Scotland for three hundred years for 'both felicity and worldly wisdom,' whose huge bulk as he had sat opposite to the preacher (the year before he died 'without stroke of sword' on the field of Corrichie) was afterwards, thus vividly recalled.

'Have ye not seen one greater than any of you sitting where presently ye sit, pick his nails, and pull down his bonnet over his eyes, when idolatry, witchcraft, murder, oppression, and such vices were rebuked?

Was not his common talk, When the knaves have railed their fill, then will they hold their peace?'

[118] Or, again, it was the French Ambassador, Le Croc, sitting in state on the first Sunday after the news of St Bartholomew, who heard the preacher denounce his master, King Charles, as a 'murderer,' from whom and from whose posterity the vengeance of God would refuse to depart.

But these were incidents dramatic and political.

And noble as a political calling may be, there have always been some to believe that drawing men and women up to a higher moral life, especially when that life is fed from an immortal hope, is nobler still.

But Knox, let us remember, was throughout his early ministry the witness of a still more fascinating and indeed unexampled spectacle--a whole generation suddenly confronted with the moral call of primitive Christianity, and striving to respond to it, no longer in dependence on Church tradition, but by each man moulding himself directly upon Christian facts and Christian promises in the very form in which these were originally delivered by the apostolic age.

He was witness of it; and more than witness, for beyond any other man in Scotland Knox was its guide.

And while the guidance of the great theological leaders of that generation tended naturally--and quite apart from their usurped statutory ascendency--to press too heavily upon the recovered freedom of Scotland, that danger was but little felt in those early days of enthusiasm in the High Church of Edinburgh.

* * * * * What like was the man who was seen, almost every day during all those years, pacing up and down between the Netherbow and St Giles?

Knox, as we are told by a surviving contemporary (who enclosed a portrait of him along with the description), was a man of slightly less than middle height, but with broadish shoulders, limbs well put together, and long fingers.

He had a rather swarthy face, with black hair, and a beard a span and a half long, also black, but latterly turning grey.

The face was somewhat long, the nose decidedly so, the mouth large, and the lips full, so that the upper lip in particular seemed to be swollen.

The chief peculiarity of his face was that his eyes--sunk between a rather narrow forehead, with a strong ridge of eyebrow, above, and ruddy and swelling cheeks, below--looked hollow and retreating.

But those eyes were of a darkish blue colour, their glance was keen and vivid, and the whole face was 'not unpleasing.'

We can easily believe that 'in his settled and severe countenance there dwelt a natural dignity and majesty, which was by no means ungracious, but in anger authority sat upon his brow.'

[119] This seems to be a true portraiture of Knox in the days of his vigour;

if we are to speak of vigour in the case of a man with a small and frail body (one of his early biographers speaks of him as a mere _corpuscle_), and a man throughout his whole public life struggling with disease.

In the last year of his prematurely 'decrepit age,' we have another description of him; and this time it is taken in St Andrews.

Edinburgh and Leith were now again at war, and the quarter of Knox's house was the most unsafe in the city.

The 'King's Men' outside were always attempting to force the Netherbow Port; and their guns, planted close by on the Dow Craig,[120] and a little farther off on Salisbury Crags, smote from either side.

They were crossed and answered, not only by the great guns of the castle, held by the Queen's Men under Kirkaldy, but by a nearer battery on the Blackfriars' Yard, and by guns planted on the roof of St Giles (the biggest of which the soldiers of course christened 'John Knox').

In these circumstances Knox was safer away; and from May 1571 to August 1572 his residence was St Andrews.

There the mild James Melville, a student at St Leonards, watched the old man with the wistful reverence of youth.

'I saw him every day of his doctrine go _hulie and fear_,[121] with a furring of martricks about his neck, a staff in the one hand, and good godly Richard Ballanden, his servant, holding up the other oxter,[122] from the Abbey to the parish kirk; and by the said Richard and another servant, lifted up to the pulpit, where he behoved to lean at his first entry; but before he had done with his sermon, he was so active and vigorous that he was like to _ding that pulpit in blads_,[123] and fly out of it!'

[124] And the impact on the mind of the youthful Melville was scarcely less than that on the pulpit.

He had his 'pen and little book,' and for the first half hour of Knox's sermon, took down 'such things as I could comprehend'; but when the preacher 'entered to the application of his text he made me so to _grue_[125] and tremble that I could not hold a pen to write!'

[126] But his day was rapidly moving to its close; and Knox, without waiting for his return to Edinburgh, now wrote his Will.

In it, after an unexpectedly mild address to the Papists, and a prophecy (which was not fulfilled) that his death would turn out a worse thing for them than his life, he turns to the other side, and in one striking paragraph sums up the work that was now to close.

'To the faithful I protest, that God, by my mouth, be I never so abject, has shewn to you His truth in all simplicity.

None I have corrupted; none I have defrauded; merchandise have I not made (to God's glory I write) of the glorious Evangel of Jesus Christ.

But according to the measure of the grace granted unto me, I have divided the sermon [word] of truth into just parts: beating down the pride of the proud in all that did declare their rebellion against God, according as God in His law gives to me yet testimony; and raising up the consciences troubled with the knowledge of their own sins, by the declaring of Jesus Christ, the strength of His death, and the mighty operation of His resurrection in the hearts of the faithful.'

When (still before leaving St Andrews) he publishes his last book, he dedicates it to the faithful 'that God of His mercy shall appoint to fight after me;' and he adds, 'I heartily salute and take my good-night of all the faithful of both realms ...

for as the world is weary of me, so am I of it.'

In those darkening days, even when he is merely to write his subscription, it is 'John Knox, with my dead hand but glad heart.'

For in this inevitable anti-climax of failing life, Knox found his compensations not in the world, nor even in the Church.

When he returned to Edinburgh, he had become unable for pastoral work.

'All worldly strength, yea, even in things spiritual,' he writes to his expected colleague, 'decays, and yet never shall the work of God decay....

Visit me, that we may confer together on heavenly things: for, in earth, there is no stability, except in the Kirk of Jesus Christ, ever fighting under the cross.

Haste, ere you come too late.'

His colleague hurried from Aberdeen to Edinburgh, and at his induction Knox appeared and spoke once more in public.

But it was the last time, and at the close of the service the whole congregation accompanied the failing steps of their minister down to the Netherbow.

And from that 9th November 1572 he never left his house.

* * * * * We have at least two accounts of his death--one in Latin from a colleague, one in Scots by his old servitor and secretary; and the latter seems to have the merit of admiring and indiscriminating faithfulness.

It is often said that such death-bed narratives are worthless, unless judged by the light thrown upon them from the previous life.

It is true.

Yet Death, too, is a great critic; and, at least when that previous life has included a problem, (as we have thought to be the case here), it may be well before we volunteer a verdict to listen to _his_ summing up.

It may finally divide, or it may reunite, the inward and outward elements which have co-existed in the life.

And it may at least reveal which of them was the ruling and radical characteristic.

For while Knox had long been a beacon-light to Scotland, we have had reason to think that the flame was first kindled in this man's own soul.

But now that the fuel which fed it is withdrawn, will that flame sink into the socket?

Will it flicker out, now that the airs which fanned it have become still?

How will it behave in the chill that falls from those winnowing wings?

The day after Knox sickened he gave one of his servants twenty shillings above his fee, with the words, 'Thou wilt never get no more from me in this life.'

Two days after, his mind wandered; and he wished to go to church 'to preach on the resurrection of Christ.'

Next day he was better; and when two friends called he ordered a hogshead of wine to be pierced, and urged them to partake, for their host 'would not tarry until it was all drunk.'

On Monday, the 17th, he asked the elders and deacons of his church, with the ministers of Edinburgh and Leith, to meet with him; and in solemn and affectionate words, nearly the same with those above quoted from his will, reviewed his ministry and took leave of them all.

But here too trouble from his past awaited him.

He had not long before accused from the pulpit Maitland of Lethington, now in the Castle, of having said that 'Heaven and hell are things I devised to fray bairns;' and Maitland's demand for evidence or apology was brought to him.

Knox had never been able to bear contradiction, especially when he was somewhat in the wrong; and those who wish to acquire new virtues must not postpone them to their last hours.

His defence was roundabout and ineffectual; and all were glad when he parted from these details of his long life-struggle, so that his friends, with tears, might take their last look of his worn and wearied face.

The effort had been too much for him, and henceforth he never spoke but with great pain.

Yet during the rest of the week he had many visitors.

One after another the nobles in Edinburgh, Lords Boyd, Drumlanrig, Lindsay, Ruthven, Glencairn, and Morton (then about to be elected Regent) had interviews with him.

Of Morton he demanded whether he had been privy to the murder of Darnley, and receiving an evasive assurance that he had not, he charged him to use his wealth and high place 'better in time to come than you have done in time past.

If so ye do, God shall bless and honour you; but if ye do it not, God shall spoil you of these benefits, and your end shall be ignominy and shame.'

When so many men pressed in, women, devout and honourable, were of course also present.

One lady commenced to praise his works for God's cause: 'Tongue!

tongue!

lady,' he broke in; 'flesh of itself is overproud, and needs no means to esteem itself.'

Gradually they all left, except his true friend Fairley of Braid.

Knox turned to him: 'Every one bids me good-night; but when will you do it?

I shall never be able to recompense you; but I commit you to One that is able to do it--to the Eternal God.'

During the days that followed, his weakness reduced him to ejaculatory sentences of prayer.

'Come, Lord Jesus.

Sweet Jesus, into Thy hands I commend my spirit' But Scotland was still on his heart; and as Napoleon in his last hours was heard to mutter _tête d'armée_, so Knox's attendants caught the words, 'Be merciful, O Lord, to Thy Church, which Thou hast redeemed.

Give peace to this afflicted commonwealth.

Raise up faithful pastors who will take charge of Thy Church.

Grant us, Lord, the perfect hatred of sin, both by the evidences of Thy wrath and mercy.'

Sometimes he was conscious of those around, and seemed to address them.

'O serve the Lord in fear, and death shall not be terrible to you.

Nay, blessed shall death be to those who have felt the power of the death of the only begotten Son of God.'

On his last Sabbath a more remarkable scene occurred.

He had been lying quiet during the afternoon, and suddenly exclaimed, 'If any be present let them come and see the work of God.'

His friend, Johnston of Elphinstone, was summoned from the adjacent church, and on his arrival Knox burst out, 'I have been these two last nights in meditation on the troubled Church of God, the spouse of Jesus Christ, despised of the world, but precious in His sight.

I have called to God for her, and have committed her to her head, Jesus Christ.

I have been fighting against Satan, who is ever ready to assault.

Yea, I have fought against spiritual wickedness in heavenly things, and have prevailed.

I have been in heaven and have possession.

I have tasted of the heavenly joys where presently I am.'

Gradually this rapture of retrospection and assurance wore itself down, with the help of recitation by the dying man of the Creed and the Lord's Prayer--Knox pausing over the clause 'Our Father,' to ejaculate, 'Who can pronounce so holy words?'

Next day, Monday, 24 November, 1572, was his last on earth.

His three most intimate friends sat by his bedside.

Campbell of Kinyeancleugh asked him if he had any pain.

'It is no painful pain,' he said; 'but such a pain as shall soon, I trust, put an end to the battle.'

To this friend he left in charge his wife, whom later of the day he asked to read him the fifteenth chapter to the Corinthians.

When it was finished, 'Now for the last [time],' he said, 'I commend my soul, spirit, and body' (and as he spoke he touched three of his fingers) 'into Thy hands, O Lord.'

Later of the day he called to his wife again, 'Go read where I cast my first anchor!'

She turned to the seventeenth chapter of John, and followed it up with part of a sermon of Calvin on the Epistle to the Ephesians.

It seems to have been after this that he fell into a moaning slumber.

All watched around him.

Suddenly he woke, and being asked why he sighed, said that he had been sustaining a last 'assault of Satan.'

Often before had he tempted him with allurements, and urged him to despair.

Now he had sought to make him feel as if he had merited heaven by his faithful ministry.

'But what have I that I have not received?

Wherefore,[127] I give thanks to my God, through Jesus Christ, who hath been pleased to give me the victory; and I am persuaded that the tempter shall not again attack me, but that within a short time I shall, without any great pain of body or anguish of mind, exchange this mortal and miserable life for a blessed immortality through Jesus Christ.'

During the hours which followed he lay quite still, and they delayed reading the evening prayer till past ten o'clock, thinking he was asleep.

When it was finished, his physician asked him if he had heard the prayers.

'Would to God,' he answered, 'that you and all men had heard them as I have heard them; I praise God for that heavenly sound.'

As eleven o'clock drew on he gave a deep sigh, and they heard the words, 'Now it is come.'

His servant, Richard Bannatyne, drew near, and called upon him to think upon the comfortable promises of Christ which he had so often declared to others.

Knox was already speechless, but his servant pleaded for one sign that he heard the words of peace.

As if collecting his whole strength, he lifted up his right hand heavenwards, and sighing twice, peacefully expired.

* * * * * Such a life had such a close.

[118] 'Works,' ii.

362. [119] Sir Peter Young's letter to Beza, 13th Nov.

1579. --'Life of Knox,' by Hume Brown, ii.

323. [120] That is, the Craig Dhu or Black Rock.

So the Calton Crags were called, which now look green amid surrounding buildings, but which then were a dark and frowning patch in a semicircle of green hill that stretched from St Cuthberts to Holyrood.

[121] Slowly and warily.

[122] Armpit.

[123] Smite it into shivers.

[124] 'Autobiography and Diary,' p. 33. [125] To grue = to thrill and shudder.

[126] 'Autobiography and Diary,' p. 26. [127] It will be recognised that this sentence is translated from the Latin.

INDEX

Acts of Parliament, 24, 80, 99, 100, 114. Affliction, Treatise on, 59. Alnwick, Cupboard at, 55. Alva, 137. Anabaptists, 72, 102. Anchor, Knox's first, 30, 37, 39, 47, 153. Apostolic Order of Worship, 72. Appellation, 77. Appropriations, 21, 22. Archbishop of St Andrews, 140, 141. Argyll, Earl of, 130. Aristocracy, Scottish, 20-22, 73, 77, 115. Armenians, 68. Arran, Earl of, 119. Assembly, General, 107, 115, 140. Assurance, 28, 29, 30. Auditors bound to support, 112, 113. Autobiography, 9, 12, 13, 28, 31, 53. Balnaves, 36. Band, 73, 74, 90, 139. Bannatyne, Richard, 153. Bartholomew, St, 146. Beaton, David (Cardinal), 18, 24, 26, 38. Beaton, James (Archbishop), 17. Beggars' Warning, 82, 108. Benefices, 107, 112. Berwick, 49, 66. Beza, 10. Bible, 24, 30, 33, 72, 125. Bishopric offered Knox, 49. Bishops, The R. C.

, 93. 'Bishops and Kings,' 71. Blast (against Women's Regimen), 120. Books in Knox's Library, 145. Borgia, 12. Bothwell, 139, 140, 141. Bothwellhaugh, Bowes, Mrs, 53-61. Bowes, Marjory, (Mrs Knox,) 49-51. Bowes, Sir R. , 50. Brown, Dr Hume, 10, 21, 39, 68, 110, 144. Browning, 57. Buchanan, George, 19, 24. Bullinger, 68. Bunyan in Bedford, 55. Burghs, 75. Burton, J. Hill, 45. Calvin, 30, 43, 51, 67, 68. Campbell of Kinyeancleugh, 152. Cannon-ball, 63. Carlyle, 37, 38, 39, 46, 94. Catechism Palatinate, 30. Catholic system, 14-24, 23. Call, Knox's, 28, 31, 32, Chap.

II.

(25-47).

Cecil, 87, 92, 143. Ceremonies, 36. Charities, 104. Chatelherault, Duke of, 51. Comfort, Knox's lack of, 53. Commonalty, Letter to, 77, 78. 'Common Man, The,' 43, 48, 78, 94. Compensations, 149. 'Conditions,' Knox's, 63. Confession of 1560, 92-97, 117, 123. Confession of Wishart (First Helvetic), 30, 36, 38, 97, 102, 103, 109. Confession, Knox's personal, 28, 140. Confessions, Change in, 97. Confessions of Protestantism, 95, 101. 'Congregation, The,' 74. Conscience, 86, 90, 124, 126, 135. Constantine, 14. Constitutionalism, 19, 137. Consuetude, 55. Conversion, Knox's, 9, 27, Chap.

II.

(25-47).

Convocation of Lieges, 135. Coronation Oath, 100. Coronation Sermon, 142. Corpuscle, 147. Council, General Church, 15-17, 18. Council, Provincial Church, 84. 'Country, What I have been to my,' 143. Creed (_see_ Confession).

Crisis in life, Chap.

II.

Crock, Le, 146. Darnley, 41, 136, 138-141. Death of Knox, 149-154. 'Deliberate Mind,' 27-31, 140. Desertion, 59. Dialogues with Queen Mary, 123-134. Discipline, Book of, 106, 108, 109-115. Dispensation for Bothwell's Marriage, 141. Donations, 104. Dow Craig, 147. Dundee, 75. Dyspepsia, 63. Edinburgh, 61, 69, 86, 88, Chapter VII.

(144-154).

Edinburgh, Treaty of, 91. Ejectment, Summons of, 83, 84. Eleazar Knox, 51. Elizabeth, Queen, 82, 92, 119, 120, 131, 138. Endowments, 20-22, 83, 104, 105, 111, 114. England, 20, 21, 22, 24, 38, 41, 66, 67, 86, 141. Establishment, 14, 23, 100. Evangel, 28-31, 34, 39, 43, 44, 46, 69, 94, 148. Excommunication, 100. Face, Knox's, 146. Fairley of Braid, 151. 'Familiarity,' never broken, 63. 'Fearfulness' of Knox, 33. Fergus the First, 19. France, 82, 117, 118, 143. Francis II.

, 118. Frankfort, 67. Friars, The, 80, 83. Galleys, 32, 65, 66. Gallicanism, 15, 16, 17. Geneva, 68. Genius, Knox's, 45. Gentlewoman's face, 127. Gerson, Chancellor, 16. Golden Rose, 128. Granvelle, Cardinal, 128, 137. Gravel, 63. Haddington, 10, 12, 14, 19, 25. Hamilton, Patrick, 18, 24, 29. Hebrew, 145. Helvetic (First) Confession, 30, 36, 38, 97, 102, 103, 109. 'History of Reformation,' 45, 140. Hospitals, 83. House, Knox's, 144, 145. Humanism, 16, 20, 23. Huntly, Earl of, 139, 145. Idolatry, 40, 67, 77, 102, 103, 122. Independence of Church, 94, 96, 98, 115. 'Indifferency,' 70, 71, 81, 86. Individualism, 43, 56. Induration, 126. Infidelity, 56, 60, 95, 133. Inner Life, Knox's, Chapters II.

and III.

Intolerance, 14, 23, 24, 26, 32, 99-103. Irrevocableness of Call, 33. James V. , 24. Jesuit (Tyrie), 96. Johnston of Elphinstone, 152. Jurisdiction, 99, 100, 114. Kirk of Field, 141. Kirkaldy of Grange, 42, 142. Laing, David, 26. Lawson, James, 10, 11. Leadership, Weight of, 34. Legislation, 14, 24, Chap.

V.

(95-116).

Leith, 88, 147. Lethington, 42, 89, 131, 135, 142, 150. Letters of Knox (private), Chap, III.

Lindsay, Sir David, 31. Lindsay, Lord, 93. Locke, Mrs, 61-63. Loire, 39, 65. Longniddry, 26, 31. Luther, 17, 18, 20, 36, 43. M'Crie, Dr Thomas, 144. M'Cunn, Mrs, 39. Macphail, Dr Jas.

C, 113.

'Magistrate, The,' 35, 36, 67, 68, 73, 77, 97, 103, 117, 120, 124. Mair (_see_ Major).

Maitland (_see_ Lethington).

Major, John, 10, 15-19, 22. Maries, The Four, 52, 63. Marischal, The Earl, 93. Marmion, 49. 'Marriage, My,' 133. Marvels, 40-44. Mary of Lorraine, Queen Regent, 69-71, 76, 79, 80, 81, 82, 84, 90, 91, 126. Mary, Queen of Scots, 42, 52, 80, 82, Chap.

VI.

(117-143).

Mary, Queen of England, 82. Mass, The, 67, 69, 99, 122, 127, 129. 'Meditation or Prayer,' 27-31. Melancholy, Knox's, 63. Melville, James, 148. Mitchell, Dr A. F.

, 109. Moray, Earl of, 51, 122, 131, 132, 137, 142. Morton, Earl of, 33, 139, 151. Movements, Leadership of, 34. Nathaniel Knox, 51. National Churches, 15-18. 'Need of all,' of Knox, 63. Netherbow, 145, 147, 149. Norham Castle, 48, 49. Notary, 11. Ochiltree, Lord, 52. Organisation of Church, 35, 110, 115, 116. Palatinate Catechism, 30. Parentage of Knox, 10. Paris, University of, 15-18. Parishes, 20-22. Parliament, 92, 94, 98, 138. Pasquil, 70. Patrimony of the Church, 106, 114, 115. Patrimony of the Poor, 83, 107. Persecution, 14, 23, 24, 26, 32, 35, 43, 57, 74, 76, 99-103. Perth, 85. Poor, The, 83, 106-108, 111, 115. Pope, The, 11, 12, 15, 18, 22, 23, 99, 128. Portraits, 10, 11. Prayer-Book, English, 67. Prayer, Treatise on, 66. Preaching, 20, 41, 75, 86, 89, 94, 110, 132, 138, 142, 144, 145, 146, 148. Predictions, 40-44. Priest, Knox as, 11, 12, 13. Principles, Fundamental, of Knox, 35, 36, 146. Private Life, Chap.

III.

'Prophesyings,' 110, 144. Prophet, Knox as, 39-44. 'Proud Mind,' 126. Puritanism of Knox, 26, 35, 36, 67, 68, 96. Radicalism, 19, 103, 105, 110, 115, 124, 133, 135, 137. Randolph (English Ambassador), 90, 92, 93, 103, 127, 128. Ratification of Creed, 117. 'Reconciliation, Articles of,' 75. Regimen of Women, 63, 120. Regular Priests, 21, 22. Renaissance, 20, 23. Repentance, 58. Reticence of Knox, 11, 12, 13. Risks of the Reformation, 34, 35. Rizzio, 136, 137, 139. Rouen, 65. Rough, John, 31, 32. Ruthven, Lord, 130, 139. Sacerdotalism, 14. Sandilands, Sir James, 117. Scholasticism, 14, 16, 18. Schools in Scotland, 110, 111. Scriptures, The, 24, 30, 35, 72, 125. Secrets of God's Counsel, 42. Self-torture, 58. Shakespeare, Priests in, 11. Simony, 22. Sir John Knox, 11 (_Note_).

Spain, 129, 131, 132, 134, 136, 137. St Andrews, 10, 26, 31, 65, 85, 142, 148. St Giles, 144. Statesman, Knox as, 45, 46, 110, 111, 114, 115. Statutes, 24, 80, 99, 100, 114. Stewart, Lord James (_see_ Moray).

Stewart, Margaret (Mrs Knox), 52. Stirling, 89, 142. Sustentation, 112, 113. Sword, The Civil, 124, 129. Syllogism, 67, 103. Sympathy of Knox, 13, 26, 53-64. Testamentary Charities, 104. Thomassin, 107. Teinds, 21, 22, 105-108, 112-115. Tithes (_see_ Teinds).

Toleration, 14, 18, 23, 24, 35, 74, 76, 79, 80, 81, 86, 90, 91, 98-103, 112, 113, 114, 121, 126, 129. Trent, Council of, 131. Turing, or Trunk Close, 145. 'Use themselves Godly,' 75, 81, 129. Vocation, Knox's, 28, 31, 32, Chap.

II.

Wallace, Sir William, 19. 'Wholesome Counsel,' Letter of, 71, 72. Will, Knox's, 42, 51, 148. Willock, 91. Window, 29, 47. Wishart, George, 25, 26, 30, 36, 38, 97, 102, 109. Women Friends, Chap.

III.

Young, Sir Peter, 10, 146. * * * * * Transcriber's notes: Obvious typographical and other printer errors and misspellings have been corrected.

Archaic spellings have been retained.

Footnotes are placed at the end of the chapter in which they appear.

In the Index, page 1 as a reference for "Reticence of Knox" has been changed to page 11 since there is no page 1, but page 11 does refer to the subject of Knox's reticence.

Page 141, omitted in the Index as a reference for "Kirk of Field", has been added.

Omission in the Index of a page reference for "Bothwellhaugh" has been retained as there is no mention of "Bothwellhaugh" in the text.

The date 1563 on page 47 is a best guess since the final number of the date is completely unreadable due to an ink blot.

The names Campbell of Kinzencleuch and Kirkcaldy of Grange have been changed to Campbell of Kinyeancleugh and Kirkaldy of Grange in the Index to agree with spelling in the text.

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