Following the Color Line — What to Do About the Negro—A Few Conclusions - part 2

And thus, side by side, these two impulses exist--the one pointing toward the development of a hard caste system which would ultimately petrify our civilisation as it has petrified that of India; and the other looking to a reasonable, kindly, and honourable working together of the races.

_What Are the Remedies for the Evil Conditions?

_ So much for conditions; what of remedies?

I have heard the most extraordinary remedies proposed.

Serious men actually talk of the deportation of the entire Negro population to Africa, not stopping to inquire whether we have any right to deport them, or calculating the economic revolution and bankruptcy which the deportation of the entire labouring class would cause in the South, without stopping to think that even if we could find a spot in the world for 10,000,000 Negroes, and they all wanted to go, that all the ships flying the American flag, if constantly employed, could probably not transport the natural increase of the Negro population, let alone the 10,000,000 present inhabitants.

I have heard talk of segregation in reservations, like the Indians--segregation out of existence!

I have even heard unspeakable talk of the wholesale extinction of the race by preventing the breeding of children!

All quack remedies and based upon hatred, not upon justice.

There is no sudden or cut-and-dried solution of the Negro problem, or of any other problem.

Men are forever demanding formulae which will enable them to progress without effort.

They seek to do quickly by medication what can only be accomplished by deliberate hygiene.

A problem that has been growing for two hundred and fifty years in America, and for thousands of years before that in Africa, warping the very lives of the people concerned, changing their currents of thought as well as their conduct, cannot be solved in forty years.

Why expect it?

And yet there are definite things that can be done which, while working no immediate miracles, will set our faces to the light and keep us trudging toward the true goal.

Down at the bottom--it will seem trite, but it is eternally true--the cause of the race "problem" and most other social problems is simply lack of understanding and sympathy between man and man.

And the remedy is equally simple--a gradual substitution of understanding and sympathy for blind repulsion and hatred.

Consider, for example, the Atlanta riot.

Increasing misunderstanding and hatred caused a dreadful explosion and bloodshed.

What happened?

Instantly the wisest white men in Atlanta invited the wisest coloured men to meet them.

They got together: general explanations followed.

They found that there had been error on both sides; they found that there were reasonable human beings on both sides.

One of the leading white men said: "I did not know there were any such broad-minded Negroes in the South."

In other words, they tried to understand and sympathise with one another.

Over and over again men will be found hating Negroes, or Chinamen, or "dagoes," and yet liking some individual Negro, or Chinaman, or "dago."

When they get acquainted they see that the Negro or Chinaman is a human being like themselves, full of faults, but not devoid of good qualities.

As a fundamental proposition, then, it will be found that the solution of the Negro problem lies in treating the Negro more and more as a human being like ourselves.

Treating the Negro as a human being, we must judge him, not by his colour, or by any other outward symbol, but upon his worth as a man.

Nothing that fails of that full honesty and fairness of judgment in the smallest particular will suffice.

We disgrace and injure ourselves more than we do the Negro when we are not willing to admit virtue or learning or power in another human being because his face happens to be yellow or black.

Of the soundness of this fundamental standard of judgment there can be no doubt; the difficulty lies in applying it practically to society as it is to-day.

In the suggestions which I offer here I am trying to do two things: to outline the present programme, and to keep open a clear view to the future goal.

_Shall the Negro Vote?

_ Let us approach, then, without fear the first of the three groups of problems--political, industrial, and social--which confront us.

Shall the Negro vote?

Thousands of Negroes in this country are fully as well equipped, fully as patriotic, as the average white citizen.

Moreover, they are as much concerned in the real welfare of the country.

The principle that our forefathers fought for, "taxation only with representation," is as true to-day as it ever was.

On the other hand, the vast majority of Negroes (and many foreigners and "poor whites") are still densely ignorant, and have little or no appreciation of the duties of citizenship.

It seems right that they should be required to wait before being allowed to vote until they are prepared.

A wise parent hedges his son about with restrictions; he does not authorise his signature at the bank or allow him to run a locomotive; and until he is twenty-one years old he is disfranchised and has no part in the government.

But the parent restricts his son because it seems the wisest course for him, for the family, and for the state that he should grow to manhood before he is burdened with grave responsibilities.

So the state limits suffrage; and rightly limits it, so long as it accompanies that limitation with a determined policy of education.

But the suffrage law is so executed in the South to-day as to keep many capable Negroes from the exercise of their rights, to prevent recognition of honest merit, and it is executed unjustly as between white men and coloured.

It is no condonement of the Southern position to say that the North also disfranchises a large part of the Negro vote by bribery, which it does; it is only saying that the North is also wrong.

As for the agitation for the repeal of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution, which gives the right of suffrage to the coloured man, it must be met by every lover of justice and democracy with a face of adamant.

If there were only one Negro in the country capable of citizenship, the way for him must, at least, be kept open.

No doubt full suffrage was given to the mass of Negroes before they were prepared for it, while yet they were slaves in everything except bodily shackles, and the result during the Reconstruction period was disastrous.

But the principle of a free franchise--fortunately, as I believe, for this country--has been forever established.

If the white man is not willing to meet the Negro in any contest whatsoever without plugging the dice, then he is not the superior but the inferior of the Negro.

_What Shall Be the Industrial Relation of the Races?

_ So much for the political relationships of the races.

How about the industrial relationships?

The same test of inherent worth must here also apply, and the question will not be settled until it does apply.

A carpenter must be asked, not "What colour are you?"

but "How cunningly and efficiently can you build a house?"

Of all absurdities, the judgment of the skill of a surgeon by the kink of his hair will certainly one day be looked upon as the most absurd.

The same observation applies broadly to the attempt to confine a whole people, regardless of their capabilities, to menial occupations because they are dark-coloured.

No, the place of the Negro is the place he can fill most efficiently and the longer we attempt to draw artificial lines the longer we shall delay the solution of the race problem.

On the other hand, the Negro must not clamour for places he cannot yet fill.

"The trouble with the Negro," says Booker T. Washington, "is that he is all the time trying to get recognition, whereas what he should do is to get something to recognise."

Negroes as a class are to-day far inferior in education, intelligence, and efficiency to the white people as a class.

Here and there an able Negro will develop superior abilities; but the mass of Negroes for years to come must find their activities mostly in physical and more or less menial labour.

Like any race, they must first prove themselves in these simple lines of work before they can expect larger opportunities.

There must always be men like Dr. DuBois who agitate for rights; their service is an important one, but at the present time it would seem that the thing most needed was the teaching of such men as Dr. Washington, emphasising duties and responsibilities, urging the Negro to prepare himself for his rights.

_Social Contact_ We come now, having considered the political and industrial relationships of the races, to the most difficult and perplexing of all the phases of the Negro question--that of social contact.

Political and industrial relationships are more or less outward, but social contact turns upon the delicate and deep questions of home life, personal inclinations, and of privileges rather than rights.

It is always in the relationships of oldest developments, like those that cling around the home, that human nature is slowest to change.

Indeed, much of the complexity of the Negro problem has arisen from a confusion in people's minds between rights and privileges.

Everyone recalls the excitement caused--it became almost a national issue--when President Roosevelt invited Booker T. Washington to luncheon at the White House.

Well, that feeling is deep in the South, as deep almost as human nature.

Many Northern people who go South to live come to share it; indeed, it is the gravest question in ethics to decide at what point natural instincts should be curbed.

Social contact is a privilege, not a right; it is not a subject for legislation or for any other sort of force.

"Social questions," as Colonel Watterson of Kentucky says, "create their own laws and settle themselves.

They cannot be forced."

All such relationships will work themselves out gradually, naturally, quietly, in the long course of the years: and the less they are talked about the better.

_Jim Crow Laws_ As for the Jim Crow laws in the South, many of them, at least, are at present necessary to avoid the danger of clashes between the ignorant of both race.

They are the inevitable scaffolding of progress.

As a matter of fact, the Negro has profited in one way by such laws.

For the white man has thus driven the Negroes together, forced ability to find its outlet in racial leadership, and by his severity produced a spirit of self-reliance which would not otherwise have existed.

Dr. Frissell of Hampton is always talking to his students of the "advantages of disadvantages."

As for laws against the intermarriage of the races, they do not prevent what they are designed to prevent: the mixing of white and coloured blood.

In many parts of the South, despite the existence of such laws, miscegenation, though decreasing rapidly, still continues.

On the other hand, in the North, where Negroes and whites may marry, there is actually very little marriage and practically no concubinage.

The solution of this question, too, lies far more in education than in law.

As a matter of fact, the more education both races receive, the less the amalgamation.

In the South, as in the North, the present tendency of the educated and prosperous Negroes is to build up a society of their own, entirely apart from and independent of white people.

As I have shown in a former chapter, a white woman in the North who marries a Negro is declassed--ostracised by both races.

The danger of amalgamation lies with ignorant and vicious people, black or white, not with educated and sensitive people.

As in the case of the Jim Crow laws, separate schools in the South are necessary, and in one way I believe them to be of great advantage to the Negroes themselves.

In Northern cities like Indianapolis and New York, where there are no separation laws of any kind, separate schools have appeared, naturally and quietly, in districts where the Negro population is dense.

That the pupils in each should be treated with exact justice in the matter of expenditures by the state is axiomatic.

And the Negro boy should have the same unbounded opportunity for any sort of education he is capable of using as the white boy; nothing less will suffice.

One influence at present growing rapidly will have its profound effect on the separation laws.

Though a tendency exists toward local segregation of Negroes to which I have already referred, there is also a counter-tendency toward a scattering of Negroes throughout the entire country.

The white population in the South, now 20,000,000 against 9,000,000 Negroes, is increasing much more rapidly than the Negro population.

The death-rate of Negroes is exceedingly high; and the sharper the conditions of competition with white workers, the greater will probably be the limitation of increase of the more inefficient Negro population.

As for the predictions of "amalgamation," "a mongrel people," "black domination," and other bogies of prophecy, we must not, as I see it, give them any weight whatsoever.

We cannot regulate our short lives by the fear of something far in the future which will probably never happen at all.

All we can do is to be right at this moment and let the future take care of itself; it will anyway.

There is no other sane method of procedure.

Much as we may desire it, the future arrangement of this universe is not in our hands.

As to the matter of "superiority" or "inferiority," it is not a subject of argument at all; nor can we keep or attain "superiority" by laws or colour lines, or in any other way, except by being superior.

If we are right, absolutely right, in the eternal principles, we can rest in peace that the matter of our superiority will take care of itself.

_The Real Solution of the Negro Problem_ I remember asking a wise Southern man I met what, in his opinion, was the chief factor in the solution of the Negro problem.

"Time," he said, "and patience."

But time must be occupied with discipline and education--more and more education, not less education, education that will teach first of all the dignity of service not only for Negroes but for white men.

The white man, South and North, needs it quite as much as the coloured man.

And this is exactly the programme of the new Southern statesmanship of which I spoke in a former chapter.

These wise Southerners have resolved to forget the discouragements and complexities of the Negro problem, forget even their disagreements, and go to work on present problems: the development of education and industry.

Whether we like it or not the whole nation (indeed, the whole world) is tied by unbreakable bonds to its Negroes, its Chinamen, its slum-dwellers, its thieves, its murderers, its prostitutes.

We cannot elevate ourselves by driving them back either with hatred or violence or neglect; but only by bringing them forward: by service.

For good comes to men, not as they work alone, but as they work together with that sympathy and understanding which is the only true Democracy.

The Great Teacher never preached the flat equality of men, social or otherwise.

He gave mankind a working principle by means of which, being so different, some white, some black, some yellow, some old, some young, some men, some women, some accomplished, some stupid--mankind could, after all, live together in harmony and develop itself to the utmost possibility.

And that principle was the Golden Rule.

It is the least sentimental, the most profoundly practical teaching known to men.

INDEX

INDEX

A

Alcorn College, 248. Alderman, President Edwin A. , 259, 271, 273, 278. Amalgamation of Races, 153, 164, 171. Amos, Moses, 42. Atlanta, colour line in, 27. riot, 3. Atlanta University, 40, 49, 54, 92, 170. B

Barrow, Chancellor D. C.

, 271, 287. Bassett, Professor John Spencer, 257. Black Belt, 67. Boston, race prejudice in, 118. prosperous Negroes in, 119. Bowie, Sydney J. , 281. Boycott by Negroes, 34. Bradley, Rev. H.

S.

, quoted, 56. Brittain, M. L.

, quoted, 37. Brown, J. Pope, 68. Broyles, Judge, 18, 45. Bulkley, William L. , quoted, 131, 142. "Bumptiousness," 125. Buttrick, Dr. Wallace, 281. C

Cable, George W. , 141. Cable, George W. , the novelist, 257. Carnegie, Andrew, 35, 287. Chain-gang, 50, 96, 98, 290. Chambers, Frank R. , 281. Charities, attitude toward Negroes, 35, 114, 138. Churches, Negro, 89, 168. Civil Service, Negroes in, 146. "Clansman, The," 4. Clark University, 12. Clark, Walter, President Mississippi Cotton Association, quoted, 104. Claxton, P. P.

, 271, 279. Cocaine, use of by Negroes, 46, 89, 104. Colour line, drawn by Negroes, 226. Concubinage, a case of, 48. Convicts, Negro, make profits for Georgia, 50. Cooper, W. G.

, report on Atlanta riot, 15. Cotton mill workers, 53, 70. Courts and the Negro, 45, 96, 141, 185, 205. Credit system, influence on Negro, 105. Crime against women, 5, 128, 296. as incentive to riot, 3, 4, 46, 183, 193, 204. condoned to keep Negro on farms, 98. juvenile, 51, 141. "Crossing the Line," 161. Cunningham, Acting Governor, 199. Currie, J. H.

, District Attorney, quoted, 167. D

Danville, Ill.

, lynching, 212. Davis, Jefferson, way with Negroes, 103, 275. Davis, Senator Jeff, 112, 238, 252. Death rate among Negroes, 115. Dickerman, Dr. G.

S.

, 281. Dillard, Professor James H. , 273, 286. Dixon, Rev. Thomas, 111, 266, 298. DuBois, Dr. W.

E.

B.

, 100, 156, 158, 173, 222, 272, 304. E

Edmonds, R. H.

, 275. Education, 65, 139. Booker T. Washington on, 221. in South, 271, 273. Negro, 282. "New South" on Negro, 285. F

Farmer, Negro, 6, 100. in the North, 109, 170. organization among, 93. Fear of Negroes, 8. prevalence of, in the South, 7. Few, Dean William Preston, 259. Fifteenth Amendment, 245, 246. Fisk University, 170. Fleming, Ex-Congressman William H. , 264. Fraternal Orders, 231. "Free Persons of Colour" 156. Free Speech, 257. Fries, Henry E. , 281. Frissell, Dr. H.

B.

, of Hampton, 228, 271, 281, 286. Furniss, Dr. S.

A.

, quoted, 114. G

Gaines, Bishop, J. W.

, 8. Galloway, Bishop C. B.

, 276. Gammon Theological Seminary, 12, 13. George, P. S.

, letter, 69. Gilreath, Belton, 287. Grady, Henry W. , 275. Grant, Bishop Abram, 287. Graves, John Temple, 72. H

Hampton Institute, 170, 283. Hampton, General Wade, 235. Hanna, H. H.

, 281. Harrah, Charles J. , President Midvale Steel Company, quoted, 137. Harvard University, colour line at, 123. Hill, Walter B. , Chancellor, 258. Hopkins, Charles T. , 18, 32, 49. Houston, President D. F.

, 271. Howell, Clark, Editor Atlanta _Constitution_, 24. Huntsville, Alabama, lynching, 191. I

Immigrants in the South, 28, 268, 295. take Negroes' places, 59. Intermarriage of races, 164, 171, 305. J

Jeanes Fund, 286. "Jim Crow," laws, 30, 112, 130, 151, 219, 224, 251, 252, 262, 266, 305. Johnson, Mayor Tom, 233. Joyner, J. Y.

, 271, 278, 286. K

Ku Klux Klan, 4, 235. L

Labour problems in North, 130. in South, 57, 78, 83, 249, 294. Labour unions, attitude toward Negroes, 135, 143, 160. Lamar, Senator J. Q.

, 263, 284. Landrum, Rev. W.

W.

, 24. Lane, Charles P. , letter, 241. Lawlessness, as incentive to riot, 4, 183, 193, 204. Leaders of Negro race, 216. Legislation against Negroes, 249. Lynching, 175. M

McAneny, George, 287. McIver, Charles D. , 278. Manley, Charles quoted, 160. Manning, Joseph C. , 264. Medicines, patent and the Negro, 62, 116. Mertins, George Frederick, quoted, 85. Miller, Professor Kelley, quoted, 130. Millsaps, Major R. W.

, 102. Mims, Professor Edwin, 255. Miscegenation, 165, 305. Mitchell, Professor S. C.

, 253, 271, 280, 281. Mob, psychology of, 10, 184. Mob, rule results of, 13. Money, United States Senator, H. D.

, 171. Moton, R. R.

, 287. Mulattoes, 149. leaders of the race, 173. Murphy, Edgar Gardner, 273. N

Napier, J. C.

, 287. Negroes, boycott by, 34. domination of, 252. driven out, 71. in Government service, 29. in Northern cities, 113. in street cars, 30. labour unions, 135. land ownership among, 91. private schools, 53. racial consciousness among, 38. what they talk about, 26. why they go to cities, 101. with white blood, 149. worthless, 60. (_See_ Vagrants) Negro business enterprises, 39. business league, 229. dramatic efforts, 157, 231. in Boston, 119, 145. story of Negro druggist, 42. story of successful farmer, 90. Newspapers, influence of sensational, 9, 25. Negro, 225. Niagara Movement, 223. Northen, Ex-Governor W. J.

, 24, 25, 65. O

"Ogden Movement," 281. Ogden, Robert C. , 281, 287. Organised Labour and the Negro, 135. Orphans, Negro, 51. P

Page, Walter H. , 281, 287. Parties among Negroes, 216. Peabody, George Foster, 281, 287. Penn, Dr. W.

F.

, 19, 33. Peonage, 96. Politics, Negro in, 98, 160, 233, 252, 262. and lynching, 203, 224. Populism in South, 255. Porters, Pullman, 144. Prejudice, race, in North, 111, 117, 125, 133, 138. in churches, 121. Negro, 226. Prejudice, race, and economic necessity, 81. cases of, 55, 82. superficial manifestations, 26, 296. Prohibition movement, 256. Psychology of the South, 37;

mob, 184. R

Race, world problems of, 292. Rape, investigation of cases, 5. trial of Negro for, 22. a northern case, 128. Reconstruction, 235. Rice, Dr. J.

A.

, quoted, 165. Rice, Rev. Theron H. , quoted, 54. Richardson, Congressman William, quoted, 192. Riot, Atlanta, 3. Riots, effect on crime, 22;

in Northern cities, 124, 126;

Wilmington, 160;

lynching riot at Danville, 211;

at Huntsville, Ala.

, 191;

at Springfield, O. , 201;

at Statesboro, Ga.

, 186. S

Saloons, 10, 18, 21, 25, 36, 46, 49, 88, 98, 104, 127, 207, 266, 289, 290. Schools, appropriations for, 248. in Atlanta, 53. in bad neighbourhoods, 169. in North, 132, 139. industrial, 140, 143. North Carolina, 279. private for Negroes, 53. retrogression of Negro, 284. separate, 306. why Negroes are not in, 52. Secret Societies among Negroes, 231. Segregation of races, 300;

natural going on, 70. Settlement work among Negroes, 122, 126, 138. Shaw, Albert, 281. Sickness among Negroes, 116. Slade, Professor Andrew, 257. Slavery, evils of, 234. Smith, Governor Hoke, 11, 242, 245, 249, 250, 252, 256, 267. Smith, R. D.

, 287. Social contact of races, 304. Solution of race problems, 300. Soule, President A. M.

, 288. "Souls of Black Folk, The," 158. South Carolina, political struggles in, 235. Southern Education Board, 281, 286. Speake, Judge Paul, 195. Speer, Judge Emory, 255. Springfield, O. , lynching, 191. and riot, 201. Statesboro, Ga.

, lynching, 177. Stewart, Professor J. B.

, 288. Strikes and Negroes, 134. Swanson, Governor Claude A. , 249, 252, 258, 280. T

Taft, William H. , 287. Tatum, Stewart L. , 209. Tenant System, 74, 87, 100. Thomas, Judge William H. , 96. Tillman, Senator B. R.

, 111, 236, 246, 250, 252, 259, 265. Trades, Negroes in, 135, 145. Trinity College, 258. Troy, Alexander, letter, 247. Tuberculosis among Negroes, 114. Tuskegee, 60, 170, 221, 283. U

University of Georgia, 288. V

Vagrants among Negroes, 57, 60, 81, 178, 211. Vardaman, Governor J. K.

, 111, 238, 246, 265, 267, 275, 298. Vernon, W. T.

, Register of Treasury, 228. Vice among Negroes, 165, 169. Vote, shall the Negro?

202. W

Washington, Booker T. , 33, 56, 64, 99, 156, 173, 219, 250, 271, 274, 286, 299, 300, 304. Watterson, Henry, 305. Weather and mobs, 211. White, Rev. John E. , 24, 253, 276. Whitlock, Hardy H. , sheriff, 212. Wilberforce College, 170. Williams, "Pegleg," 80. Williams, Talcott, 287. Wilmer, Rev. C. B.

, 24, 276. Women, Negro, arrested in Atlanta, 46. clubs, 143, 168. morals of, 140, 169. Wright, President R. R.

, 92. Wright, Professor R. R.

, Jr. , quoted, 124, 137, 142, 145. Footnotes: [1] Since these notes were made, in 1907, the prohibition movement has abolished all the saloons in Georgia.

[2] Since the closing of the saloons on January 1, 1908, the number of arrests has largely decreased, but the observations here made still apply to a large number of Southern cities.

Transcriber's Notes: Passages in italics are indicated by _italics_.

Punctuation has been corrected without note.

The following misprints have been addressed: "he" corrected to "be" (page 5) "Thelogical" corrected to "Theological" (page 13) "take" corrected to "takes" (page 33) "Childern" corrected to "Children" (page 52) "on" corrected to "no" (page 57) "o-morrow" corrected to "to-morrow" (page 60) "negroes" corrected to "Negroes" (page 67) "whould" corrected to "would" (page 85) "wont" corrected to "won't" (page 98) missing "and" added (page 188) "typsetters" corrected to "typesetters" (page 202) "be" corrected to "he" (page 204) "weeks" corrected to "week" (page 210) "anothern" corrected to "another" (page 210) "hightly" corrected to "highly" (page 275) "declaractions" corrected to "declarations" (page 284) "familar" corrected to "familiar" (page 295) "is" corrected to "it" (page 300) "Govenor" corrected to "Governor" (Index) End of Project Gutenberg's Following the Color Line, by Ray Stannard Baker <pre id="pg-footer"> *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FOLLOWING THE COLOR LINE *** Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will be renamed.

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