Edmond Dantès — The Communists, part 2

"Aye!

and a most, liberal, honest and honorable conclave--the thrice-sodden and most solemn knaves and mules!"

cried Rollin.

"Rouen at the bar demanded Armand Carrel for his defence," continued Louis Blanc.

"To refuse was impossible, but a bitter pill must it have been to Thiers and Mignet to consent.

They must have foreseen what came.

Both, now in the Ministry, only four years before both had been in 'Le National'--Thiers as the colleague of Carrel, and Mignet as a collaborateur.

The files of the journal were produced, and, lo!

there stood paragraphs proven to have emanated from the pens of the prosecutors far more libelous and venomous on the august peers than anything Rouen had published.

You all remember the scene that ensued and won't forget it soon."

"No; nor shall we soon forget that noble passage in Armand Carrel's defence," said Flocon, "in which he evoked the shade of Marshal Ney, and from the wild excitement that followed, one would suppose that it had really risen in the hall, bleeding and ghastly, and pointing to its wounds, like the ghost of Banquo, to blast his hoary, jeweled and noble assassin, who, seated on those very seats, had sentenced him to an infamous doom.

Carrel was instantly stopped, but General Excelmens rose in his seat and pronounced the charge true.

It was then reiterated with tremendous applause from the galleries.

How Carrel escaped punishment for contempt is not known.

Rouen was convicted of libel on the peers, of course; his sentence was a fine of ten thousand francs and imprisonment for two years."

"But of what words did this famous libel actually consist?"

asked Ledru Rollin.

"Louis can tell you better than I," said Flocon.

"Why, the words were severe enough, no doubt," replied Louis Blanc, "but Thiers and Mignet had themselves expressed the same ideas a hundred times, though in less powerful and pointed language.

The passage which seems particularly to have given offence was this, that in the eyes of eternal justice and those of posterity, as well as in the testimony of their own consciences, these renegades from the Revolution, these returned emigrants, these men of Ghent, these military and civil parvenus, these old Senators and spoiled Marshals of Bonaparte, these Procureur Generals, these new-made nobles of the Restoration, these three or four generations of Ministers sunk in public hatred and contempt, and stained with blood--all these, seasoned with a few notabilities, thrown in by the Royalty of the 7th of August, on condition they should never open their lips save to approve their master's commands--all this farrago of servilities was not competent to pronounce on the culpability of men seeking to enforce the results of the Revolution of July!"

"It was not until the commencement of 1835, I think," said Marrast, "that Ministers opened a general onslaught upon the Parisian press.

'Le Republicain' was interdicted that year.

It was then, too, that the laws against public criers and newspaper hawkers were instituted.

As far back as '33, however, Rodde had braved all such prohibitions by selling and with impunity, too, his own paper in the streets.

In May of '35 came on the general prosecution of the press.

Rollin was advocate in the defence.

There were warm words between Armand Carrel and his friend Dupont, the lawyer, and there was at one time apprehension of a duel."

"The position of Armand Carrel with Thiers, his former colleague, was, at that time, a singular one," remarked Rollin.

"Each seemed to be on the constant search for opportunities to exasperate the other.

The editor assailed the Minister in his columns, and the Minister retaliated by an arrest.

Carrel censured and ridiculed Thiers, though he respected his abilities, and Thiers feared and hated Carrel, though he admired his talents."

"It was about this time that Fieschi exploded his infernal machine at the King, was it not?"

asked Flocon.

"Thiers arrested Carrel then, I know."

"It was on the 28th of July of '35, at ten in the morning, on the Boulevard du Temple.

This was the second attempt on the King's life, the first having been that of Bergeron, in November of '33. Carrel was arrested as an accomplice, it was pretended, for every one of these attempts has been attributed to the whole body of the Republicans, while they were utterly ignorant of them until they took place, and then bitterly denounced them.

But the Government has made capital out of all these insane attempts, and against the opposition, too."

"I've heard it asserted," said Rollin, "that the Government got up some of those little exhibitions of fireworks for that very purpose.

They are quite harmless, so far as the old man is concerned--wonderfully so--and Fieschi was made a perfect fool of, so ridiculously lionized was he by King, Court and Ministers.

Our friend Marie was advocate for that wretched old man, Pepin, Fieschi's accomplice, more a ghost than a living creature."

"You are entirely right, friend Rollin," said Louis Blanc, "in the idea that every one of these attempts strengthens the Government and recoils on the opposition.

No one should so vigilantly and vigorously watch for and suppress such attempts as we.

Heaven defend the old despot from the assassin's weapon, as it seems well inclined to do, or the deed will surely be attributed to us.

Every unsuccessful attempt at assassination is viewed like an unsuccessful attempt at revolt on the part of the opposition, and injures our cause accordingly.

Better never to attempt than never to succeed."

"Do you think it true, Louis, as was reported," asked Marrast, "that as soon as the smoke of Fieschi's explosion swept off, and the old man found himself standing unharmed amid a heap of slain and mangled, Marshal Mortier and Colonel Rieussec being among the killed, his first exclamation was this, with, ill-concealed gratification, 'Now I shall get my appanages and the dotations for the boys.'

" "Nothing is more probable," said Louis Blanc.

"That old man has but one impulse--selfishness, and but one attachment--to his family--his family, because it is his.

His purse and family have for years been his sole objects of love.

To aggrandize his own has been for years his sole end and aim.

He parcels out the thrones and kingdoms of Europe among his children as if it were but a family estate."

"What thoughtful selfishness!"

exclaimed Flocon; "and at a moment, too, when he had but just escaped an awful death, and all around him flowed the blood and lay scattered the lacerated limbs of his faithful servants, either dead or dying with groans and shrieks of most agonizing torture, and all because of himself; how disgraceful that, at such a terrible moment, his first thought should have been of the few more francs his trembling hand was striving to tear from a people by whom he had already been made the richest man in Europe, and which the occurrence of this dreadful event might serve to win for him."

"Well," said Rollin, "whether this event aided to win the appanages and dotations, and was so designed, or not, it is very sure the aforesaid appanages and dotations were secured.

No wonder that such attempts succeed each other so rapidly--one every year, at the least!

When was the next, Louis--that of Alibaud, I think?"

"That took place about sunset on the 25th of June, '36," was the reply.

"Alibaud discharged a walking-stick-gun at the King, as he left the Tuileries, on his way to Neuilly, at the corner of the Porte Royale.

That Alibaud was a mere boy, and a very interesting and intelligent boy, too; but for some mysterious cause he did not find favor with the court, as did Fieschi.

He evidently attempted the assassination from conviction, from a feeling of manifest destiny.

After his failure, he only wished to die, and to die at once.

All who have succeeded Alibaud have been but vulgar cut-throats."

"In what year was the insurrection of Armand Barbes and Martin Bernard?"

asked Flocon.

"That proved most disastrous to our cause."

"That was in '39, May, I think," answered Rollin.

"Barbes, Blanqui and Bernard were arraigned as leaders.

Marie and myself were advocates for Barbes.

Blanqui was sentenced to death and Barbes to the galleys for life.

But we obtained commutation of penalty for both."

"And where is to be the end of all these things?"

asked Marrast, gloomily, as he continued pacing the chamber with folded arms, his head resting on his bosom.

"Are the ten years on which we have now entered to be characterized by the fruitless efforts of the past?

Are the people of France again, and again, and again to strike for freedom, only to be stricken into the dust and trampled beneath the armed heel of a despot's myrmidons?

Are the streets of Lyons, Paris and Marseilles again to be drenched with the life-blood of their dwellers, poured out as freely as water and as fruitlessly?

Are we all again, for full ten years, to toil, strive, struggle and suffer; to be hunted down like the vilest criminals, and, like criminals, plunged into the most pestilential dungeons; to be stripped like slaves of our hard-won earnings, and to be deprived of the most humble franchises of men claiming at all to be free; to be treated with scorn and contumely, and to be debarred the exercise of those common rights, which, like air and water, belong to all; I say, brothers, are all these scenes to be repeated during the ten years on which we have now entered, as they have been witnessed during the ten years now past?"

"You speak sadly, Armand," observed Rollin.

"Not so sadly as I feel.

I have listened with attention to the recapitulation of the political events of the past ten years in France;

and most plainly, and as sadly as plainly, does the result prove that every movement in our cause has been as premature as it has been unsuccessful."

"May we not gather wisdom, which shall conduct us to success in the future, from the very errors and disasters of the past?"

remarked Flocon.

"Alas!"

despondingly replied Marrast, "what is there in our present to promise a bright future more than was in our past to promise us a bright present?

Our great leaders of another generation have all left us, one after another--all have dropped into their graves.

The cold marble has closed over their venerable brows, and they rest well.

Yet they died and made no sign of hope.

On us, young, inexperienced and rash, has devolved their task; but the mantle of their power and virtue has not, alas!

descended with that task to aid in its momentous accomplishment.

General Lamarque's sun went down in clouds.

Midnight, deeper than Egyptian darkness, brooded over the delirious deathbed of Lafayette.

Armand Carrel fell without hope; and are we wiser than they?

How often, oh!

how often have I listened to the words of wisdom that fell from those eloquent lips, even as a boy reverently listens to a parent--for such was Armand Carrel to me.

Upon this very spot have I stood, in that very chair has he sat, that chair, which, with mingled shame and pride, I reflect is now filled by me--shame, that it is filled in a manner so unworthy of him--pride, that I should have been deemed fit, after him to fill it at all--in that very chair, I say, has his noble form reclined, when he for hours, even from night till the next day's dawn, dwelt with sorrowful eloquence upon his country's present, and looked forward with gloomy foreboding and prediction for the future.

It almost seems to me that this mighty shade is with us now!"

"And why was all this despondency, my dear Armand?"

remarked Louis Blanc, mildly.

"Was it not because our noble and gifted friend was essentially a soldier, not a civilian, not a statesman, not a revolutionist?

Had Armand Carrel gone to Algeria, he would have died--if died he had not in an unknown duel, with an unknown bravo--he would have died a Marshal of France--a Bugeaud, a Chaugarnier, a Bedeau, a Cavaignac, a Clausel, a Lamoriciere.

Carrel had no faith in the masses to achieve a revolution.

He never believed that they could even withstand a single charge of regular troops, much less repel and overcome it."

"Not even with barricades?"

asked Rollin.

"Not even in defence of barricades," continued Louis Blanc.

"Regular troops have much to learn," added Rollin, with a significant smile.

"They will see the day--aye!

and we all shall see it and rejoice at its coming, despite all melancholy prognostications, when the people of Paris will dictate abdication to the king of the barricades, from the top of the barricades, the people's throne!

Nor will that event tarry long!"

"I doubt it not, I doubt it not, Ledru!"

exclaimed Louis Blanc, rejoiced that one of the youngest and least stable of their number appeared free from the apprehensions of one of the most influential and seemingly most reliable.

"I accept the omen indicated by your enthusiasm.

But I accounted for the vacillation and distrust of our lamented friend, Armand Carrel, by reverting to the fact that he relied entirely on regular troops, military skill, scientific tactics and severe subordination.

Now, all of these belonged to our oppressors and none of them to us; and, inasmuch as he could not perceive that enthusiasm, passion for freedom, love of country and family, and the very wrath and rage of desperation itself sometimes not only supply the place of discipline, arms and the knowledge requisite to use them, but even enable vast masses to break down and crush beneath their heel the serried ranks of veteran troops, he could only despair at the prospects apparently before him.

Besides, Armand Carrel, like all military men, was a man of action, not reflection--of execution, not contrivance--a soldier, not a conspirator.

At the head of ten thousand veteran troops, he would have charged on thrice their number without discipline, with the confident assurance of sweeping them from his path as the chaff of the threshing floor is swept before the blast; but, with an undisciplined mob, as he contemptuously called the masses, he would have moved not a step.

The larger the multitude, the less effective and the more impossible to manage he would have deemed it.

A revolution accomplished by means of the three arms of the military service--artillery, cavalry and infantry--horse, foot and dragoons, he could readily conceive; but a revolution conducted to a successful issue only by means of pikes, axes, muskets and barricades, never, to the hour of his death, despite the victory of the Three Days, could Carrel comprehend."

"Besides," said Flocon, "it must not be forgotten that Armand Carrel, though a most devoted friend to Republicanism, was never a member of the Societe des Droits de l'Homme--was never, as we all now are--a Communist, a Socialist, a Fourierist, a friend to the laborer.

No wonder he hoped so little for the people, and trusted to accomplish so little through them."

"There can be no doubt that the social principle which Republicanism is now unconsciously assuming all over France," mildly remarked Louis Blanc, "is lending to the cause incalculable strength.

How terribly impressed with a conviction of the justice of the cause in which they perished must have been the unhappy insurgents of Lyons, when, with this motto on their banner: 'To live toiling or die fighting,' they marched firmly up to the cannon's mouth and fought, and, thus fighting, fell.

Yet this conviction is not peculiar to the workmen of Lyons.

It pervades all Paris, all France, and needs only to be roused to act with an energy which no human power can resist.

Social Republican will be the type of the next revolution in France--it must be.

The French people have been dazzled by the mirage of liberty ever since '89,--but it has been only a mirage.

On the last three days of July, '30, the people of Paris drove out one Bourbon to enthrone another.

True, 'The State is myself,' was not the despotic motto he assumed, as did one of his successors, but it was 'Me and my family,' which has proved equally selfish, if not so absolute, and far more dangerous to freedom.

With Lafayette and Benjamin Constant, the Citizen King they had made, quarreled as soon as on his throne, and Lafitte and Dupont de l'Eure, his supporters, were banished from the Court.

Casimir Perier was called to crush the Liberals.

Armand Carrel assailed the act, and urged a republic.

'Le National' was prosecuted, and insurrections followed.

Thus was the Revolution of the Three Days won by the people to be seized and enjoyed by the Bourgeoisie.

The next revolution will be won by the people, too, but the people will enjoy it!"

"And how progresses our principles, Louis, among the people?"

asked Marrast, who had listened attentively to every word that had been uttered.

"Never so gloriously as now, Armand, never!

Never has there been such a diffusion of information upon the subject of the rights of labor as now.

Pagnerre tells me every day that volumes, tracts and pamphlets on this topic disappear like magic from his shelves."

"Has not the Minister a hand in this mysterious disappearance of Communist literature?"

asked Rollin.

"We all know he is quite frantic on the topic of popular education."

"Oh!

yes, we all understand Guizot's love for the people!

His system of education promulgated in 1833 was so very beautiful that it was almost a pity it was utterly impracticable.

But Guizot has very little to do with Pagnerre's book-shelves, or with Pagnerre in any way, except to prosecute him from time to time for publishing Cormenin's withering tracts designed for the Minister himself, and yet it would almost seem there was a design to exhaust the market of the publications of our friends; only the great mass of them go to the provinces and large quantities abroad.

My own little brochure, 'The Organization of Work,' after having fallen stillborn from the press, died a natural death and been laid out in state for a year or two on Pagnerre's shelves, all at once is resurrected, runs through half a dozen large editions, and is translated into half a dozen languages.

The same is true of Lamartine's 'Vision of the Future,' and the same of Cormenin's tracts, and of the ten thousand brochures on this same subject of Communism in all its different shades and phrases, and in every variety of size, form and style of writing and appearance.

These publications are adapted to every taste and comprehension.

The workman is suited as well as the savant.

All this savors of magic.

Even my most sanguine anticipations are surpassed by reality.

There will never long lack a supply for a demand, be that demand what it may.

A demand for Fourier literature has turned all the pens in Paris hard at work upon it--novelists, essayists, pamphleteers--while the Porte St. Antoine, the Porte St. Martin and all the minor theatres, where are found the masses, swarm with melodramas, farces and vaudevilles on the same subject, and none of you have forgotten the powerful play, entitled 'The Laborer of Lyons,' attributed to M. Dantes, recently produced with such success on the boards of the Francais itself."

"And who is this M. Dantes," asked Ledru Rollin, "if you will suffer me to interrupt?"

"Decidedly the most remarkable man in the French Chamber of Deputies," replied Marrast.

"In powers of natural eloquence I never saw his rival."

"Nor is that all," added Louis Blanc.

"Unlike most men noted as mere orators, he is a sound logician, as well as a polished rhetorician.

As a political economist he has few equals.

To that subject he seems to have devoted much study, while his familiarity with the political history of France and of the times generally all over Christendom seems boundless.

In debate, you observe he is never at a loss for fact or argument, let the discussion take what direction it may."

"And he has celebrity also as a writer, has he not?"

asked Ledru Rollin.

"The author of 'The Laborer of Lyons' must be a man of distinguished literary genius," was the reply.

"Better than all," said Flocon, "he is devoted heart and soul to the good cause."

"Such devotedness to a cause I never witnessed," said Marrast.

"He puts us all to the blush.

With him it appears a matter of direct individual interest.

He is perfectly untiring.

He is like one impelled by his fate.

Love or vengeance could not force onward a man to the attainment of an object more irresistibly than he seems forced, and that, too, without the slightest apparent stain of personal interest or ambition.

That man appears to me a miracle--a pure philanthropist.

He strives, struggles, suffers, sacrifices, and all with the sole object of ameliorating the condition of his race."

"It is, indeed, wonderful," said Rollin, thoughtfully.

"Do you know, Marrast, anything of his past history?"

"Little, if anything.

Of himself he never speaks, and I can gather nothing from others.

Even his constituents had known nothing of him but a few months before he became their representative in the Chamber.

His popularity with them he owes to his efforts to ameliorate their condition.

At his own expense he established among them a Phalanstrie, which is now in most successful operation."

"He is rich, then?"

asked Flocon.

"Seemingly not, to judge from his habits of life," replied Marrast.

"Not a man in the Chamber is more Republican in garb, manner, equipage or residence than he, and yet he may be rich."

"Is he married?"

asked Rollin.

"He has been, I am told," said Marrast.

"But we interrupt you, Louis.

You were alluding to the unusual influences now at work for our cause."

"I was about speaking of the newspaper press," said Louis Blanc.

"Never has there been known such a revolution in favor of Reform and Communist journals, and to none is this better known than to some of ourselves.

There's Flocon's new journal, 'La Reforme,' that has leaped at once into a circulation never before achieved but by long years of toil and enterprise.

The old 'National,' we need but to look around us to be sure, was never more prosperous than now, while I am free to confess that my journal, 'Le Bon Sens,' which has been a sickly child ever since its birth, has, within three months, tripled its number of readers, or, at least, its payers.

The same is in the main true of 'Le Monde,' by La Croix, 'Le Journal du Peuple,' by Dubose, 'Le Courier Francais,' by Chatelain, 'La Commerce,' by Bert, 'La Minerve,' by Lemaine, 'La Presse,' by Girardin, and all the journals in Paris which diffuse true ideas upon labor and the rights of the people, be they in other respects what they may.

Even the 'Charivari,' which views the old King and his Ministers as fair butts of ridicule, perceives a marked increase in its patronage since it commenced that course, which sudden popularity naturally excites it to increase of zeal in the same path.

Besides all this, an army of new papers, aiming to aid the great cause, have not only sprung up of late, like mushrooms, in Paris, but all over France, and even all over Europe; and so far appear they from interfering with each other's prospects that the more there are the better they seem sustained and the more ably conducted.

A swarm of new and unknown writers for the press on this great subject seems all at once to have appeared from unseen hiding-places."

"This is very strange, Louis," said Marrast, "and yet it is, doubtless, very true.

I had observed what you remark myself, although I have viewed the movement less hopefully for the cause of the Republic than you."

"Depend upon it, Armand," said Louis Blanc, smiling, "that Republicanism and Socialism are identical terms, as much so as Communism and despotism are antagonistic terms."

"But how do you account for this wonderful change, this unprecedented fever for Fourierism?"

asked Flocon.

"I don't pretend to account for it at all.

The merits of the cause have, perhaps, begun to be properly appreciated.

Unusual efforts have been made by our friends of late.

Whole nations and epochs are sometimes seized with a contagious mania for peculiar species of literature, as for everything else.

But I will hint to you a suspicion which I have recently entertained, namely, that, after all, the rapid sale and ready market for every species of Fourier literature is not an unerring indication of the amount of reading of such literature, or the demand that actually exists of buyers as well as readers--individual ones at least.

As for the journalistic literature, that I have learned is, without doubt, gratuitously distributed, to a great extent, among the masses."

"But can the masses read the papers?"

asked Marrast.

"Each family, house, neighborhood, cafe or cabaret, at any rate, has, at least one reader," said Rollin; "and all the men, women and children have ears to hear, if not power to comprehend.

But some of these papers, which I have seen, come down in style to the very humblest comprehension."

"Can it be," asked Flocon, "that there is such a club as a society for the diffusion of social knowledge in Paris, after the form of that in London, instituted by Lord Henry Brougham and his Whig coadjutors, for the diffusion of general information, and so opposed by the Tories."

"If there be such an association," said Louis Blanc, "it has managed to elude all my vigilance thus far, and that of the Government, too, for Guizot can perceive, if no one else can, the inevitable effect of all this, and he has no idea that the dear people of France shall be educated by any one save himself.

But, actually, there seems to me to exist too much unity of purpose and action in this enterprise for it to be the work of an association.

I should rather suppose one powerful and philanthropic mind at the head of the movement, were there not two things so plainly opposed to it as to forbid the idea--the first being that there is no one man in Europe who is rich enough to expend such immense sums upon such an enterprise, if he would, and the second that there is no man who has the subject sufficiently at heart to do it, if he could."

CHAPTER XI.