Medicine-Men Of The Apache — Chalchihuitl; Phylacteries

CHALCHIHUITL.

The articles of dress depicted in this paper are believed to represent all those which exclusively belong to the office of the Apache "diyi" or "izze-nantan."

Of late years it can not be said that every medicine-man has all these articles, but most of them will be found in the possession of the man in full practice.

[Illustration: APACHE MEDICINE SHIRT.

Plate VI.

] No matter what the medicine-man may lack, he will, if it be possible, provide himself with some of the impure malachite known to the whites of the Southwest as turquoise.

In the malachite veins the latter stone is sometimes found and is often of good quality, but the difference between the two is apparent upon the slightest examination.

The color of the malachite is a pea green, that of the turquoise a pale sky blue.

The chemical composition of the former is a carbonate of copper, mixed with earthy impurities; that of the latter, a phosphate of alumina, colored with the oxide of copper.

The use of this malachite was widespread.

Under the name of chalchihuitl or chalchihuite, it appears with frequency in the old Spanish writings, as we shall presently see, and was in all places and by all tribes possessing it revered in much the same manner as by the Apache.

The Apache call it duklij, "blue (or green) stone," these two colors not being differentiated in their language.

A small bead of this mineral affixed to a gun or bow made the weapon shoot accurately.

It had also some relation to the bringing of rain, and could be found by the man who would go to the end of a rainbow, after a storm, and hunt diligently in the damp earth.

It was the Apache medicine-man's badge of office, his medical diploma, so to speak, and without it he could not in olden times exercise his medical functions.

[Illustration: Front view.

Rear view.

FIG.

445. --Tzi-daltai amulet (Apache).

] In the curious commerce of the Indian tribes, some possessed articles of greater worth than those belonging to their neighbors.

In the southwest the red paint sold by the tribes living in the Grand Canyon of the Colorado was held in higher repute than any other, and the green stone to be purchased from the Rio Grande Pueblos always was in great demand, as it is to this day.

Vetancurt[723] speaks of the Apache, between the years 1630 and 1680, coming to the pueblo of Pecos to trade for "chalchihuites."

John de Laet speaks of "petites pierres verdes" worn in the lower lip by the Brazilians.

[724] Among the Mexicans the chalchihuitl seems to have been the distinguishing mark or badge of the priesthood.

Duran, in speaking of the consecration of a sacrificial stone in Mexico by Montezuma the elder, and his assistant or coadjutor, Tlacaclel, says: "Echáronse á las espaldas unas olletas [I do not know what this word means] hechas de piedras verdes muy ricas, donde significaban que no solamente eran Reyes, pero juntamente Sacerdotes."

[725] [Illustration: FIG. 446. --Tzi-daltai amulet (Apache).

] Among the tribes in Central America, a chalchihuitl was placed in the mouths of the dying to receive their souls: "que era para que recibiese su ánima."

[726] One of the Mexican myths of the birth of Quetzalcoatl narrates that his mother, Chimalma, while sweeping, found a chalchihuitl, swallowed it, and became pregnant: "Andando barriendo la dicha Chimalma halló un chalchihuitl, (que es una pedrezuela verde) y que la tragó y de esto se empreñó, y que así parió al dicho Quetzalcoatl."

[727] The same author tells us that the chalchihuitl (which he calls "pedrezuela verde") are mentioned in the earliest myths of the Mexicans.

[728] In South America the emerald seems to have taken the place of the chalchihuitl.

Bollaert[729] makes frequent mention of the use of the emerald by the natives of Ecuador and Peru, "a drilled emerald, such as the Incas wore;" "large emeralds, emblematic of their [the Incas'] sovereignty."

From Torquemada we learn that the Mexicans adorned their idols with the chalchihuitl, and also that they buried a chalchihuitl with their dead, saying that it was the dead man's heart.

[730] "Whenever rain comes the Indians [Pima and Maricopa] resort to these old houses [ruins] to look for trinkets of shells, and a peculiar green stone."

[731] The idols which the people of Yucatan gave to Juan de Grijalva in 1518 were covered with these stones, "cubierta de pedrecicas."

[732] Among the first presents made to Cortes in Tabasco were "unas turquesas de poco valor."

[733] The fact that the Mexicans buried a "gem" with the bodies of their dead is mentioned by Squier, but he says it was when the body was cremated.

[734] The people of Cibola are said to have offered in sacrifice to their fountains "algunas turquesas que las tienen, aunque ruines."

[735] "Turquesas" were given to the Spaniards under Coronado by the people of the pueblo of Acoma.

[736] "The Mexicans were accustomed to say that at one time all men have been stones, and that at last they would all return to stones; and, acting literally on this conviction, they interred with the bones of the dead a small green stone, which was called the principle of life."

[737] The great value set upon the chalchihuitl by the Aztecs is alluded to by Bernal Diaz, who was with the expedition of Grijalva to Yucatan before he joined that of Cortes to Mexico.

[738] Diaz says that Montezuma sent to Charles V, as a present "a few chalchihuis of such enormous value that I would not consent to give them to any one save to such a powerful emperor as yours."

[739] These stones were put "in the mouth of the distinguished chiefs who died."

[740] [Illustration: APACHE MEDICINE SHIRT.

Plate VII.

] Torquemada[741] repeats the Aztec myth already given from Mendieta.

He says that in 1537 Fray Antonio de Ciudad-Rodrigo, provincial of the Franciscans, sent friars of his order to various parts of the Indian country; in 1538 he sent them to the north, to a country where they heard of a tribe of people wearing clothes and having many turquoises.

[742] The Aztec priesthood adopted green as the sacred color.

The ceremony of their consecration ended thus: "puis on l'habillait tout en vert."

[743] Maximilian, Prince of Wied, saw some of the Piegans of northwestern Montana "hang round their necks a green stone, often of various shapes."

He describes it as "a compact talc or steatite which is found in the Rocky Mountains."

[744] PHYLACTERIES.

The term phylactery, as herein employed, means any piece of buckskin or other material upon which are inscribed certain characters or symbols of a religious or "medicine" nature, which slip or phylactery is to be worn attached to the person seeking to be benefited by it, and this phylactery differs from the amulet or talisman in being concealed from the scrutiny of the profane and kept as secret as possible.

This phylactery, itself "medicine," may be employed to enwrap other "medicine" and thus augment its own potentiality.

Indians in general object to having their "medicine" scrutinized and touched;

in this there is a wide margin of individual opinion; but in regard to phylacteries there is none that I have been able to discover, and the rule may be given as antagonistic to the display of these sacred "relics," as my Mexican captive interpreter persisted in calling them.

The first phylactery which it was my good fortune to be allowed to examine was one worn by Ta-ul-tzu-je, of the Kaytzentin gens.

It was tightly rolled in at least half a mile of orange-colored saddlers' silk, obtained from some of the cavalry posts.

After being duly uncovered, it was found to be a small piece of buckskin two inches square, upon which were drawn red and yellow crooked lines which the Apache said represented the red and yellow snake.

Inside were a piece of green chalchihuitl and a small cross of lightning-riven twig (pine) and two very small perforated shells.

The cross was called "intchi-dijin," the black wind.

A second phylactery which I was also allowed to untie and examine belonged to Na-a-cha and consisted of a piece of buckskin of the same size as the other, but either on account of age or for some other reason no characters could be discerned upon it.

It, however, enwrapped a tiny bag of hoddentin, which, in its turn, held a small but very clear crystal of quartz and four feathers of eagle down.

Na-a-cha took care to explain very earnestly that this phylactery contained not merely the "medicine" or power of the crystal, the hoddentin, and the itza-chu, or eagle, but also of the shoz-dijiji, or black bear, the shoz-lekay, or white bear, the shoz-litzogue, or yellow bear, and the klij-litzogue or yellow snake, though just in what manner he could not explain.

[Illustration: FIG. 447. --Phylacteries.

] It would take up too much time and space to describe the manner in which it was necessary for me to proceed in order to obtain merely a glimpse of these and other phylacteries, all of the same general type;

how I had to make it evident that I was myself possessed of great "medicine" power and able to give presents of great "medicine" value, as was the case.

I had obtained from cliff dwellings, sacred caves, and other places beads of talc, of chalchihuitl, and of shell, pieces of crystal and other things, sacred in the eyes of the Apache, and these I was compelled to barter for the information here given.

[Illustration: APACHE MEDICINE SHIRT.

Plate VIII.

] The medicine shirts of the Apaches, several of which are here represented, do not require an extended description.

The symbolism is different for each one, but may be generalized as typical of the sun, moon, stars, rainbow, lightning, snake, clouds, rain, hail, tarantula, centipede, snake, and some one or more of the "kan" or gods.

The medicine sashes follow closely in pattern the medicine shirts, being smaller in size only, but with the same symbolic decoration.

Similar ornamentation will be found upon the amulets (ditzi), made of lightning-struck pine or other wood.

All of these are warranted, among other virtues, to screen the wearer from the arrows, lances, or bullets of the enemy.

In this they strongly resemble the salves and other means by which people in Europe sought to obtain "magical impenetrability."

The last writer to give receipts for making such salves, etc. , that I can recall, was Etmüller, who wrote in the early years of the seventeenth century.

[Illustration: FIG. 448. --Apache medicine sash.

] Such as the reader can imagine the medicine-man to be from this description of his paraphernalia, such he has been since the white man first landed in America.

Never desirous of winning proselytes to his own ideas, he has held on to those ideas with a tenacity never suspected until purposely investigated.

The first of the Spanish writers seem to have employed the native terms for the medicine-men, and we come across them as cemis or zemis, bohiti, pachuaci, and others; but soon they were recognized as the emissaries of Satan and the preachers of witchcraft, and henceforth they appear in the documents as "hechicheros" and "brujos" almost exclusively.

"Tienan los Apaches profetas ó adivinos que gozan de la mas alta estimacion.

Esos adivinos pratican la medicina lamas rudimental, la aplicacion de algunas yerbas y esto acompañado de ceremonias y cantos supersticiosos."

[745] Pimentel seems to have derived his information from Cordero, a Spanish officer who had served against the Apache at various times between 1770 and 1795, and seemed to understand them well.

"There was no class of persons who so widely and deeply influenced the culture and shaped the destiny of the Indian tribes as their priests.

In attempting to gain a true conception of the race's capacities and history there is no one element of their social life which demands closer attention than the power of these teachers....

However much we may deplore the use they made of their skill, we must estimate it fairly and grant it its due weight in measuring the influence of the religious sentiment on the history of man."

[746] "Like Old Men of the Sea, they have clung to the neck of their nations, throttling all attempts at progress, binding them to the thraldom of superstition and profligacy, dragging them down to wretchedness and death.

Christianity and civilization meet in them their most determined, most implacable foes."

[747] In spite of all the zeal and vigilance of the Spanish friars, supported by military power, the Indians of Bogotá clung to their idolatry.

Padre Simon cites several instances and says tersely: "De manera que no lo hay del Indio que parece mas Cristiano y ladino, de que no tenga ídolos á quien adore, como nos lo dice cada dia la experiencia."

(So that there is no Indian, no matter how well educated he may appear in our language and the Christian doctrine, who has not idols which he adores, as experience teaches us every day.

)[748] "The Indian doctor relied far more on magic than on natural remedies.

Dreams, beating of the drum, songs, magic feasts and dances, and howling to frighten the female demon from the patient, were his ordinary methods of cure."

[749] In a very rare work by Padre José de Arriaga, published in Lima, 1621, it is shown that the Indians among whom this priest was sent on a special tour of investigation were still practicing their old idolatrous rites in secret.

This work may be found quoted in Montesinos, Mémoires sur l'Ancien Pérou, in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, vol. 17; the title of Arriaga's work is Extirpacion de la Idolatría de los Indios del Peru.

Arriaga also states that the functions of the priesthood were exercised by both sexes.

It will only be after we have thoroughly routed the medicine-men from their intrenchments and made them an object of ridicule that we can hope to bend and train the mind of our Indian wards in the direction of civilization.

In my own opinion, the reduction of the medicine-men will effect more for the savages than the giving of land in severalty or instruction in the schools at Carlisle and Hampton; rather, the latter should be conducted with this great object mainly in view: to let pupils insensibly absorb such knowledge as may soonest and most completely convince them of the impotency of the charlatans who hold the tribes in bondage.

Teach the scholars at Carlisle and Hampton some of the wonders of electricity, magnetism, chemistry, the spectroscope, magic lantern, ventriloquism, music, and then, when they return to their own people, each will despise the fraud of the medicine-men and be a focus of growing antagonism to their pretensions.

Teach them to love their own people and not to despise them; but impress upon each one that he is to return as a missionary of civilization.

Let them see that the world is free to the civilized, that law is liberty.

FOOTNOTES:

[533] Relation of the Voyage of Don Fernando Alarcon, in Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. 3, p. 508. [534] Davis, Conquest of New Mexico, p. 288. [535] Davis, ibid.

, pp. 280, 284, 285. [536] Ibid.

, pp. 277, 292. [537] Catlin, North American Indians, London, 1845, vol. 2, p. 117. [538] Tanner's Narrative, p. 188. [539] Journal, p. 289. [540] North American Indians, London, 1845, vol. 1, p. 135. [541] Schultze, Fetichism, New York, 1885, p. 32, quoting Bastian.

[542] Coxe, Russian Discoveries between America and Asia, London, 1803, p. 254. [543] Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, vol. 1, pp. xxix, 112. [544] Ibid.

, vol. 1, p. 68. [545] Pettigrew, Medical Superstitions, Philadelphia, 1844, pp. 67, 72, 74. [546] Cérémonies et Coûtumes Religieuses, Amsterdam, 1739, vol. 2, pp. 28, 29. [547] Ibid.

, p. 29. [548] Higgins, Anacalypsis, vol. 2, book 2, p. 77. [549] Pettigrew, Medical Superstitions, Philadelphia, 1844, p. 61. See also Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 93. [550] Citations, Common place Book, p. 395, London, 1872. [551] Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 3, pp. 310, 311. [552] Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 3, p. 310. [553] Holiday Customs of Ireland, pp. 381 et seq.

[554] Popular Antiquities, vol. 3, p. 325. [555] Picart, Cérémonies et Coûtumes, etc. , vol. 10, p. 56. [556] Massingberd, The English Reformation, London, 1857, p. 105. [557] Mendieta, p. 110. [558] Vol. 3, cap.

5, p. 234. [559] Herrera, dec.

2, lib.

6, p. 141. [560] Kingsborough, vol. 7, chap.

4. [561] Teutonic Mythology, vol. 3, p. 1233. [562] Ibid.

[563] Fables and Rites of the Incas, Padre Christoval de Molina (Cuzco, 1570-1584), transl.

by Clements R. Markham, Hakluyt Society trans.

, vol. 48, London, 1873, p. 48. [564] The common people wore a black "llautu."

See Garcilaso, Comentarios, Markham's transl.

, Hak.

Soc.

, vol. 41, pp. 88, 89. [565] Ibid.

, p. 85. [566] Ibid.

, p. 89. [567] "Quando vàn à sembrar las Tierras del Sol, vàn solos los Principales à trabajar, i vàn con insignias blancas, i en las espaldas unos Cordones tendidos blancos, à modo de Ministros del Altar."

--Herrera, dec.

5, lib.

4, cap.

6, pp. 94-95. [568] Picart, Cérémonies et Coûtumes, etc. , Amsterdam, 1735, vol. 6, p. 92. [569] Montfaucon, L'antiquité expliquée, tome 2, pt.

1, p. 33. [570] Hawkesworth, Voyages, vol. 3, p. 229. [571] Voyage to Congo, in Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 16, p. 237. [572] Pinkerton, Voyages, vol. 16, p. 388. [573] Speke, Source of the Nile, London, 1863, p. 125. [574] London, 1877, vol. 2, p. 131. [575] Stanley, Through the Dark Continent, vol. 2, p. 330. [576] Schweinfurth, Heart of Africa, London, 1873, vol. 1, p. 154. [577] Winstanley, Abyssinia, vol. 2, p. 68. [578] This cord is worn about the neck.

Ibid.

, p. 257. [579] Ibid.

, vol. 1, p. 235. [580] Ibid.

, vol. 2, p. 132. [581] Ibid.

, p. 165. [582] Ibid.

, p. 292. [583] Malte-Brun, Universal Geography, vol. 4, p. 259, Phila.

, 1832. [584] Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, vol. 2, p. 640. [585] Nightingale, quoted in Madden, Shrines and Sepulchres, vol. 1, pp. 557, 558. [586] Leems, Account of Danish Lapland, in Pinkerton, Voyages, London, 1808, vol. 1, p. 471. [587] Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 3, p. 5. See also John Scheffer, Lapland, Oxford, 1674, p. 58. [588] Act IV, scene 1. [589] Benjamin, Persia, London, 1877, p. 99. [590] Cérémonies et Coûtumes, vol. 7, p. 320. [591] Du Halde, History of China, London, 1736, vol. 4, pp. 244, 245, and elsewhere.

[592] Higgins, Anacalypsis, vol. 2, p. 218. [593] Vining, An Inglorious Columbus, p. 635. [594] Du Halde, History of China, London, 1736, vol. 1, p. 270. [595] Univ.

Geog.

, vol. 3, book 75, p. 144, Phila.

, 1832. [596] Brinton, Myths of the New World, N. Y.

, 1868, p. 15. [597] Early History of Mankind, London, 1870, p. 156. [598] Voyages, vol. 3, p. 102. [599] Shâyast lâ-Shâyast, cap.

4, pp. 285, 286. In Sacred Books of the East, Max Müller's edition, vol. 5. [600] Monier Williams, Modern India, p. 56. [601] Ibid.

, pp. 179, 180. [602] Cérémonies et Coûtumes, vol. 7, p. 28. [603] Marco Polo, Travels, in Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 7, p. 163. [604] Picart, Cérémonies et Coûtumes, etc. , vol. 6, pt.

2, p. 99. [605] Malte-Brun, Univ.

Geog.

, vol. 2, lib.

50, p. 235, Philadelphia, 1832. [606] Dr. J.

L.

August Von Eye, The history of culture, in Iconographic Encyc.

, Philadelphia, 1886, vol. 2, p. 169. [607] Forlong, Rivers of Life, vol. 1, p. 120. [608] Ibid.

, pp. 240-241. [609] Forlong, Rivers of Life, vol. 1, p. 328. [610] Ibid.

, p. 323. [611] Dubois, People of India, p. 9. [612] Mythology of the Hindus.

[613] Mythology of the Hindus, pp. 9, 10, 11. [614] Ibid.

, p. 92. [615] Ibid.

, p. 155. [616] Ibid.

, pp. 135, 154, 155. [617] Maurice, Indian Antiquities, London, 1801, vol. 5, p. 205. [618] Ibid.

, vol. 4, p. 375, where a description of the mode of weaving and twining is given.

[619] Ibid.

, p. 376. [620] Ibid.

, vol. 5, p. 206. [621] Notes of Richard Johnson, Voyages of Sir Hugh Willoughby and others to the northern part of Russia and Siberia, Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 1, p. 63. [622] Caron's account of Japan in Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 7, p. 631. [623] Rev. Father Dandini's Voyage to Mount Libanus, in Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 10, p. 286. [624] Henry Charles Lea, History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages, vol. 1, p. 92, New York, 1888. [625] Müller, Sacred Books of the East, vol. 14, Vasish_th_a, cap.

2, par 6. [626] Ibid.

, Baudhâyana, prasna 1, adhyâya 5, kandikâ 8, pars.

5-10, p. 165. [627] Saxon Leechdoms, vol. 1, pp. xli-xliii.

[628] Ibid.

, p. xliii.

[629] Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 2, pp. 108,109. [630] Browne, Religio Medici, p. 392. [631] Brand, op.

cit.

, p. 110. [632] Pliny, Nat.

Hist.

, lib.

28, cap.

22. [633] Ibid.

, lib.

28, cap.

17. [634] Ibid.

[635] Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, vol. 3, p. 1169. [636] Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, London, 1827, vol. 1, p. 91; vol. 2, pp. 288, 290. [637] Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, London, 1827, vol. 1, p. 91; vol. 2, p. 290. [638] Picart, Cérémonies et Coûtumes, etc. , vol. 10, pp. 69-73. [639] Dæmonology, p. 100. [640] Brand, Pop.

Ant.

, vol. 3, p. 299. [641] Ibid.

, p. 170. [642] Frommann, Tractatus de Fascinatione, Nuremberg, 1675, p. 731. [643] Markham, Bogle's mission to Tibet, London, 1876, p. 85. [644] Brand, Pop.

Ant.

, vol. 2, p. 149. [645] Thomas Wright, Sorcery and Magic, London, 1851, vol. 2, p. 10. [646] Brand, Pop.

Ant.

, vol. 2, p. 143. [647] Pennant, in Pinkerton, Voyages, vol. 3, p. 382. [648] Hoffman, quoting Friend, in Jour.

Am.

Folk Lore, 1888, p. 134. [649] Brand, Pop.

Ant.

, vol. 2, pp. 127 et seq.

[650] Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, vol. 3, p. 1174. He also speaks of the "nouer l'aiguillette", ibid.

, p. 1175. [651] Saxon Leechdoms, vol. 1, p. xliv.

[652] Black, Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, pp. 185, 186. [653] Pliny, Nat.

Hist.

, lib.

28, cap.

9. [654] Brand, Pop.

Ant.

, vol. 2, p. 67. [655] Ibid.

, p. 170. [656] Sextus Placitus, De Medicamentis ex Animalibus, Lyons, 1537, pages not numbered, article "de Puello et Puellæ Virgine."

[657] Etmüller, Opera Omnia, Lyons, 1690, vol. 2, p. 279, Schroderii Dilucidati Zoologia.

[658] Brand, Pop.

Ant.

, vol. 2, p. 68, footnote.

[659] Ibid.

, p. 67. [660] Paracelsus, Chirurgia Minora, in Opera Omnia, Geneva, 1662, vol. 2, p. 70. [661] Ibid.

, p. 174. [662] Beckherius, Medicus Microcosmus, London, 1660, p. 174. [663] Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, vol. 3, p. 1094, footnote.

[664] Ibid.

, p. 1096. [665] Pliny, Nat.

Hist.

, lib.

30, cap.

12. [666] Etmüller, Opera Omnia, Lyons, 1690, vol. 2, pp. 282, 283, Schroderii Dilucidati Zoologia.

[667] Ibid.

, p. 278a.

[668] Black, Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, p. 113. [669] Forlong, Rivers of Life, London, 1883, vol. 2, p. 313. [670] Brand, Pop.

Ant.

, vol. 2, p. 69. [671] Notes and Queries, 1st series, vol. 4, p. 500. [672] See also Black, Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, p. 79. [673] Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, vol. 3, p. 1233. [674] Black, Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, p. 114. [675] Herrera, dec.

6, lib.

8, cap.

1, p. 171. [676] Ibid.

, dec.

7, lib.

4, cap.

5, p. 70. [677] Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, vol. 1, p. 351. See also previous references to the use of such cords by the Australians.

[678] Pliny, Nat.

Hist.

, lib.

28, cap.

27. [679] Highlands of Æthiopia, vol. 1, p. 247. [680] Through the Dark Continent, vol. 1, p. 398. [681] Pliny, Nat.

Hist.

, lib.

28, cap.

11. [682] Notes and Queries, 4th series, vol. 5, pp. 295, 390. [683] Traité des Superstitions, tome 1, chap.

3, paragraph 8. [684] Pop.

Ant.

, vol. 3, p. 276. [685] Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 109. [686] Anatomy of Melancholy, vol. 2, pp. 288, 290. [687] Brand, Pop.

Ant.

, vol. 2, p. 107. [688] Brand, Pop.

Ant.

, vol. 2, p. 78. [689] Ibid.

, p. 91. [690] Ibid.

, p. 93. [691] Picart, Cérémonies et Coûtumes, etc. , vol. 1, p. 41. [692] Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, pp. 185, 186. [693] P.

41. [694] Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 186. [695] Ibid.

, (after Tylor) pp. 176, 177. [696] Ibid.

, p. 178. [697] Pop.

Ant.

, vol. 3, p. 276. [698] Salverte, Philosophy of Magic, vol. 1, p. 195. [699] Black, Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, p. 197. [700] Pliny, Nat.

Hist.

, lib.

24, cap.

118. [701] Forlong, Rivers of Life, vol. 1, p. 451. [702] Pennant, quoted by Brand, Popular Antiquities, vol. 3, p. 54. [703] Ibid.

, p. 285. [704] Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, pp. 185, 186. [705] Folk-Medicine, London, 1883, p. 113. [706] Ibid.

, p. 57. [707] Ephemeridum Physico-medicarum, Leipzig, 1694, vol. 1, p. 49. [708] Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 112. [709] Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 112. [710] Brand, Pop.

Ant.

, vol. 2, p. 86. [711] Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 38. [712] Pliny, Nat.

Hist.

, lib.

30, cap.

38. [713] Ibid.

[714] Black, Folk-Medicine, p. 111. [715] Brand, Pop.

Ant.

, vol. 3, pp. 288, 324. [716] This fact is stated by Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, lib.

10, cap.

33, and by Gomara, Hist.

of the Conq.

of Mexico, p. 446; see also Diego Duran, lib.

1, cap.

20, p. 226. [717] Herrera, dec.

3, lib.

2, p. 67. [718] John Gilmary Shea, The Catholic Church in Colonial Days, p. 472. [719] Diego Duran, vol. 3, cap.

4, p. 217. [720] Anatomy of Melancholy, London, 1827, vol. 1, p. 337. [721] Picart, Cérémonies et Coûtumes, etc. , Amsterdam, 1729, vol. 5, p. 50. [722] Lady of the Lake, canto 3, stanza 4, Sir Rhoderick Dhu, summoning Clan Alpine against the king.

[723] Teatro Mexicano, vol. 3, p. 323. [724] Lib.

14, cap.

4, and lib.

16, cap.

16. [725] Lib.

1, cap.

23, pp. 251-252. [726] Ximenez, Hist.

Orig.

Indios, p. 211. [727] Mendieta, p. 83. [728] Ibid.

, p. 78. [729] Researches in South America, p. 83. [730] Monarchia Indiana, vol. 2, lib.

13, cap.

45, and elsewhere.

[731] Emory, Reconnoissance, p. 88. [732] Gomara, Historia de la Conquista de Méjico, Veytia's edition, p. 299. [733] Ibid.

, p. 310. [734] Smithsonian Contributions, "Ancient monuments of New York," vol. 2. [735] Buckingham Smith, Relacion de la Jornada de Coronado á Cibola, Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de Florida, London, 1857, vol. 1, p. 148. [736] Ibid.

, vol. 1, p. 150. [737] Brinton, Myths of the New World, p. 253. [738] London, 1844, vol. 1, pp. 26, 29, 36, 93. [739] Ibid.

, p. 278. [740] Ibid.

, vol. 2, p. 389. [741] Monarchia Indiana, lib.

6, cap.

45, p. 80. [742] Ibid.

, lib.

19, cap.

22, pp. 357-358. [743] Ternaux-Compans, vol. 10, p. 240. [744] London, 1843, p. 248. [745] Pimentel, Lenguas Indígenas de México, vol. 3, pp. 498, 499. [746] Brinton, Myths of the New World, pp. 285, 286. [747] Ibid.

, p. 264. [748] Kingsborough, vol. 8, sup.

, p. 249. [749] Parkman, Jesuits, introduction, p. lxxxiv. BIBLIOGRAPHY.

=Acosta, José.

= Histoire naturelle et moralle des Indes, tant Orientalles qu'Occidentalles....

Composée en Castillian par Joseph Acosta, & traduit en François par Robert Regnault Cauxois.

Paris: 1600. =Adair, James.

= History of the American Indians.

London: 1775. =Adventure and Beagle.

= Narrative of the surveying voyages of his majesty's ships _Adventure_ and _Beagle_.

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