Medicine-Men Of The Apache — Clay-eating; Prehistoric foods used in covenants; Sacred breads and cakes; Unleavened bread; The hot cross buns of Good Friday; Galena

CLAY-EATING.

The eating of clay would appear to have once prevailed all over the world.

In places the custom has degenerated into ceremonial or is to be found only in myths.

The Aztec devotee picked up a pinch of clay in the temple of Tezcatlipoca and ate it with the greatest reverence.

[449] Sahagun is quoted by Squier[450] as saying that the Mexicans swore by the sun and "by our sovereign mother, the Earth," and ate a piece of earth.

But the use of clay by the Mexicans was not merely a matter of ceremony; clay seems to have been an edible in quite common use.

Edible earth was sold openly in the markets of Mexico; "yaun tierra," says Gomara in the list of foods given by him.

[451] The eating of clay was forbidden to Mexican women during pregnancy.

Diego Duran describes the ceremonial eating of clay in the temples of Mexico; "Llegó el dedo al suelo, y cogiendo tierra en él lo metió en la boca; á la cual ceremonia llamaban comer tierra santa."

[452] And again he says that in their sacrifices the Mexican nobles ate earth from the feet of the idols.

"Comian tierra de la que estaba á los pies del Ydolo."

[453] But the Mexicans did not limit themselves to a ceremonial clay-eating alone.

Thomas Gage relates that "they ate a kind of earth, for at one season in the yeer they had nets of mayle, with the which they raked up a certaine dust that is bred upon the water of the Lake of Mexico, and that is kneaded together like unto oas of the sea."

[454] Diego Duran[455] mentions the ceremonial clay-eating at the feast of Tezcatlipoca agreeing with the note already taken from Kingsborough.

There is reference to clay-eating in one of the myths given in the Popol-Vuh.

The Quiche deities Hunahpu and Xbalanqué, desiring to overcome the god Cabrakan, fed him upon roasted birds, but they took care to rub one of the birds with "tizate" and to put white powder around it.

The circle of white powder was, no doubt, a circle of hoddentin or something analogous thereto, intended to prevent any baleful influence being exercised by Cabrakan.

"Mais ils frottèrent l'un des oiseaux avec du _tizate_ et lui mirent de la poussière blanche à l'entour."

[456] In a footnote the word "tizate" is explained to be a very friable whitish earth, used in polishing metals, making cement, etc. : "Terre blanchâtre fort friable, et dont ils se servent pour polir les métaux, faire du ciment, etc." Cabeza de Vaca says that the Indians of Florida ate clay--"de la terre."

[457] He says also[458] that the natives offered him many mesquite beans, which they ate mixed with earth--"mele avec de la terre."

[459] The Jaguaces of Florida ate earth (tierra).

[460] At the trial of Vasco Pocallo de Figueroa, in Santiago de Cuba, in 1522, "for cruelty to the natives," he sought to make it appear that the Indians ate clay as a means of suicide: "el abuso de los Indios en comer tierra ...

seguian matandose de intento comiendo tierra."

[461] The Muiscas had in their language the word "jipetera," a "disease from eating dirt."

[462] Whether the word "dirt" as here employed means filth, or earth and clay, is not plain; it probably means clay and earth.

Venegas asserts that the Indians of California ate earth.

The traditions of the Indians of San Juan Capistrano, California, and vicinity show that "they had fed upon a kind of clay," which they "often used upon their heads by way of ornament."

[463] The Tátu Indians of California mix "red earth into their acorn bread to make the bread sweet and make it go further."

[464] Long[465] relates that when the young warrior of the Oto or Omaha tribes goes out on his first fast he "rubs his person over with a whitish clay," but he does not state that he ate it.

Sir John Franklin[466] relates that the banks of the Mackenzie River in British North America contain layers of a kind of unctuous mud, probably similar to that found near the Orinoco, which the Tinneh Indians "use occasionally as food during seasons of famine, and even at other times chew as an amusement....

It has a milky taste and the flavour is not disagreeable."

Father de Smet[467] says of the Athapascan: "Many wandering families of the Carrier tribe ...

have their teeth worn to the gums by the earth and sand they swallow with their nourishment."

This does not seem to have been intentionally eaten.

"Some of the Siberian tribes, when they travel, carry a small bag of their native earth, the taste of which they suppose will preserve them from, all the evils of a foreign sky."

[468] We are informed that the Tunguses of Siberia eat a clay called "rock marrow," which they mix with marrow.

"Near the Ural Mountains, powdered gypsum, commonly called 'rock meal,' is sometimes mixed with bread, but its effects are pernicious."

[469] "The Jukabiri of northeastern Siberia have an earth of sweetish and rather astringent taste," to which they "ascribe a variety of sanatory properties."

[470] There is nothing in the records relating to Victoria respecting the use of any earth for the purpose of appeasing hunger, but Grey mentions that one kind of earth, pounded and mixed with the root of the _Mene_ (a species of Hæmadorum), is eaten by the natives of West Australia.

[471] The Apache and Navajo branches of the Athapascan family are not unacquainted with the use of clay as a comestible, although among the former it is now scarcely ever used and among the latter used only as a condiment to relieve the bitterness of the taste of the wild potato;

in the same manner it is known to both the Zuñi and Tusayan.

Wallace says that eating dirt was "a very common and destructive habit among Indians and half-breeds in the houses of the whites."

[472] "Los apassionados à comer tierra son los Indios Otomacos."

[473] "The earth which is eaten by the Ottomacs [of the Rio Orinoco] is fat and unctuous."

[474] Waitz[475] cites Heusinger as saying that the Ottomacs of the Rio Orinoco eat large quantities of a fatty clay.

Clay was eaten by the Brazilians generally.

[476] The Romans had a dish called "alica" or "frumenta," made of the grain zea mixed with chalk from the hills at Puteoli, near Naples.

[477] According to the myths of the Cingalese, their Brahmins once "fed on it [earth] for the space of 60,000 years."

[478] PREHISTORIC FOODS USED IN COVENANTS.

It has been shown that the Apache, on several occasions, as when going out to meet strangers, entering into solemn agreements, etc. , made use of the hoddentin.

A similar use of food, generally prehistoric, can be noted in other regions of the world.

It was a kind of superstitious trial used among the Saxons to purge themselves of any accusation by taking a piece of barley bread and eating it with solemn oaths and execrations that it might prove poisonous or their last morsel if what they asserted or denied was not true.

[479] Those pieces of bread were first execrated by the priest, from which he infers that at a still earlier day sacramental bread may have been used for the same purpose.

At Rome, in the time of Cicero and Horace, a master who suspected that his slaves had robbed him conducted them before a priest.

They were each obliged to eat a cake over which the priest had "pronounced some magical words (_carmine infectum_)."

[480] The people living on the coast of Coramandel have an ordeal consisting in the chewing of unboiled rice.

No harm will attach to him who tells the truth, but the perjurer is threatened with condign punishment in this world and in that to come.

[481] Bread is bitten when the Ostaaks of Siberia take a solemn oath, such as one of fealty to the Czar.

[482] SACRED BREADS AND CAKES.

Since the employment of hoddentin, or tule pollen, as a sacred commemorative food would seem to have been fairly demonstrated, before closing this section I wish to add a few paragraphs upon the very general existence of ritualistic farinaceous foods in all parts of the world.

They can be detected most frequently in the ceremonial reversion to a grain or seed which has passed or is passing out of everyday use in some particular form given to the cake or bread or some circumstance of time, place, and mode of manufacture and consumption which stamps it as a "survival."

So deeply impressed was Grimm[483] with the wide horizon spreading around the consideration of this topic that he observed: "Our knowledge of heathen antiquities will gain both by the study of these drinking usages which have lasted into later times and also of the shapes given to _baked meats_, which either retained the actual forms of ancient idols or were accompanied by sacrificial observances.

A history of German cakes and bread rolls might contain some unexpected disclosures....

Even the shape of cakes is a reminiscence of the sacrifices of heathenism."

The first bread or cake to be mentioned in this part of the subject is the pancake, still so frequently used on the evening of Shrove Tuesday.

In antiquity it can be traced back before the Reformation, before the Crusades were dreamed of, before the Barbarians had subverted Rome, before Rome itself had fairly taken shape.

There seems to have been a very decided religious significance in the preparation of pancakes on Shrove Tuesday.

In Leicestershire, "On Shrove Tuesday a bell rings at noon, which is meant as a signal for the people to begin frying their pancakes."

[484] "The Norman _Crispellæ_ (Du Cange) are evidently taken from the _Fornacalia_, on the 18th of February, in memory of the method of making bread, before the Goddess _Fornax_ invented ovens."

[485] Under "Crispellæ," Du Cange says: "Rustici apud Normannos vocant Crespes, ova pauca mixta cum farina, et in sartagine frixa," and says that they are "ex herba, farina et oleo."

[486] These same Crispellæ are to be seen on the Rio Grande during Christmas week.

In the Greek Church and throughout Russia there is to the present time a "pancake feast" at Shrovetide.

[487] At one time a custom prevailed of going about from one friend's house to another, masked, and committing every conceivable prank.

"Then the people feasted on blinnies--a pancake similar to the English crumpet."

[488] In the pancake we have most probably the earliest form of farinaceous food known to the nations which derived their civilization from the basin of the Mediterranean.

Among these nations wheat has been in use from a time far beyond the remotest historical period, and to account for its introduction myth has been invoked; but this wheat was cooked without leaven, or was fried in a pan, after the style of the tortilla still used in Spanish-speaking countries, or of the pancake common among ourselves.

Pliny[489] says that there were no bakers known in Rome until nearly six hundred years after the foundation of the city, in the days of the war with Persia; but he perhaps meant the public bakers authorized by law.

The use of wheat and the art of baking bread, as we understand it to-day, were practically unknown to the nations of northern Europe until within the recent historical period.

[490] Nothing would be more in consonance with the mode of reasoning of a primitive people than that, at certain designated festivals, there should be a recurrence to the earlier forms of food, a reversion to an earlier mode of life, as a sort of propitiation of the gods or goddesses who had cared for the nation in its infancy and to secure the continuance of their beneficent offices.

Primitive man was never so certain of the power of the gods of the era of his own greatest development that he could rely upon it implicitly and exclusively and ignore the deities who had helped him to stand upon his feet.

Hence, the recurrence to pancakes, to unleavened breads of all kinds, among various peoples.

This view of the subject was made plain to me while among the Zuñi Indians.

Mr. Frank H. Cushing showed me that the women, when baking the "loaves" of bread, were always careful to place in the adobe ovens a tortilla with each batch of the newer kind, and no doubt for the reason just given.

UNLEAVENED BREAD.

The unleavened bread of the earliest period of Jewish history has come down to our own times in the Feast of Unleavened Bread, still observed by the Hebrews in all parts of the world, in the bread used in the eucharistic sacrifice by so large a portion of the Christian world, and apparently in some of the usages connected with the half-understood fast known as the "Ember Days."

Brand quotes from an old work in regard to the Ember Days: "They were so called 'because that our elder fathers wolde on these days ete no brede but cakes made under ashes.'

"[491] The sacred cake or "draona" of the Parsi "is a small round pancake or wafer of unleavened bread, about the size of the palm of the hand.

It is made of wheaten flour and water, with a little clarified butter, and is flexible."

[492] A variety of the "draona," called a "frasast," is marked with the finger nail and set aside for the guardian spirits of the departed.

[493] Cakes and salt were used in religious rites by the ancients.

The Jews probably adopted their appropriation from the Egyptians.

[494] "During all the Passover week--14th to 21st Nisan, i. e. , during this week's moon--Shemites fast, only eating unleavened bread, and most diligently--not without reason--cleansing their houses."

"And especially had all leavened matter to be removed, for the new leavener had now arisen, and prayers with curses were offered up against any portions which might have escaped observation.

The law of their fierce Jahveh was that, whoever during all this festival tasted leavened bread, 'that soul should be cut off,' which Godwyn mollifies by urging that this only meant the offender should die without children; which was still a pretty considerable punishment for eating a piece of bread!"

[495] "The great day of Pentecost is the 6th of Sivan, or, say, the 22d of May, 1874. From the first barley _two loaves_ were then made, 'the offering of which was the distinguishing rite of the day of Pentecost.'

"[496] On St. Bridget's Eve every farmer's wife in Ireland makes a cake, called _bairinbreac_; the neighbors are invited, the madder of ale and the pipe go round, and the evening concludes with mirth and festivity.

[497] Vallencey identifies this as the same kind of offering that was made to Ceres, and to "the queen of heaven, to whom the Jewish women burnt incense, poured out drink offerings, and made cakes for her with their own hands."

[498] THE HOT CROSS BUNS OF GOOD FRIDAY.

The belief prevailed that these would not mold like ordinary bread.

[499] "In several counties [in England] a small loaf of bread is annually baked on the morning of Good Friday and then put by till the same anniversary in the ensuing year.

This bread is not intended to be eaten, but to be used as a medicine, and the mode of administering it is by grating a small portion of it into water and forming a sort of panada.

It is believed to be good for many disorders, but particularly for a diarrhœa, for which it is considered a sovereign remedy.

Some years ago a cottager lamented that her poor neighbour must certainly die of this complaint, because she had already given her two doses of Good Friday bread without any benefit.

No information could be obtained from the doctress respecting her nostrum, but that she had heard old folks say that it was a good thing and that she always made it."

[500] Brand quotes a writer in the Gentleman's Magazine who shows that they were "formerly, at least, unleavened," p. 156. They "are constantly marked with the form of the cross."

"It is an old belief that the observance of the custom of eating buns on Good Friday protects the house from fire, and several other virtues are attributed to these buns," p. 156. "Hutchinson, in his History of Northumberland, following Bryant's Analysis, derives the Good Friday bun from the sacred cakes which were offered at the Arkite Temples, styled Boun, and presented every seventh day," p. 155. A very interesting dissertation upon these sacred cakes as used by the Greeks, Egyptians, and Jews in the time of their idolatry, is to be found in Brand's work, pp. 155-156. [501] Practices analogous to those referred to are to be noted among the Pueblo Indians.

They offer not only the kunque, but bread also in their sacrifices.

In the sacred rabbit hunt of the Zuñi, which occurs four times a year and is carried on for the purpose of procuring meat for the sacred eagles confined in cages, a great fire was made on the crest of a hill, into which were thrown piles of bread crusts and in the smoke of which the boomerangs or rabbit sticks were held while the hunter recited in an audible tone and with downcast head the prayers prescribed for the occasion.

One of the early Spanish writers informs us that the women of the pueblo of Santo Domingo, on the Rio Grande, offered bread on bended knees to their idols and then preserved it for the remainder of the year, and the house which did not have a supply of such blessed bread was regarded as unfortunate and exposed to danger.

[502] A prehistoric farinaceous food of the Romans survives in our bridecake or wedding cake.

It is well understood that among the Romans there were three kinds of marriage: that called "coemptio," that called "concubitu" or "usu," and the highest form of all, known as "confarratio," from the fact that bride and groom ate together of a kind of cake or bread made of the prehistoric flour, the "far."

We have preserved the custom of having bridecake, which is still served with many superstitious ceremonies: "it must be cut by the bride herself; it must be broken in pieces (formerly these pieces were cast over the heads of the bridesmaids), and, after being passed through a wedding ring a certain number of times, it must be placed under the pillow of the anxious maiden to serve as a basis for her dreams."

[503] Exactly what this prehistoric food was it is now an impossibility to determine with exactness.

Torquemada shows that long after the Romans had obtained the use of wheat they persisted in the sacrificial use of the "nola isla," "farro," and "escanda," forms of wild grain once roasted and ground and made into bread by their forefathers.

[504] A

similar usage prevailed among the Greeks.

Pliny speaks of "the bearded red wheat, named in Latin 'far,'" and tells us that rye was called "secale" or "farrago."

[505] The radical "far" is still to be found all over Europe in the word for flour, "farina," "farine," or "harina," while it is also possible that it may be detected in the ever-to-be-honored name of Farragut.

[506] In the eight marriage rites described by Baudhâyana, the initiatory oblation in the fourth (that in which the father gives his daughter away) consists of "parched grain."

This rite is one of the four which are lawful for a Brahman.

The parched grain to be used would seem to be either sesamum or barley, although this is not clear.

Vasish_th_a says, chapter 27, concerning secret penances: "He who ...

uses barley (for his food) becomes pure."

[507] The pages of Brand[508] are filled with references to various forms of cake which seem properly to be included under this chapter.

In England there formerly prevailed the custom of preparing "soul cakes" for distribution among visitors to the family on that day and to bands of waifs or singers, who expected them as a dole for praying and singing in the interests of the souls of the dead friends and relatives of the family.

On the island of St. Kilda the soul cake was "a large cake in the form of a triangle, furrowed round, and which was to be all eaten that night."

[509] In Lancashire and Hertfordshire the cake was made of oatmeal, but in many other parts it was a "seed cake"[510] and in Warwickshire, "at the end of barley and bean seed time, there is a custom there to give the plowmen _froise_, a species of thick pancake."

[511] "All-soul cakes" were distributed at time of All Souls' Day.

In England and Scotland the old custom[512] was to have a funeral feast, which all friends and relations were expected to attend.

Wine, currant cake, meat, and other refreshments, varying according to the fortune of the family, were served liberally.

The bread given out was called "arvil-bread."

There is no special reason for believing that this could be called a hoddentin custom, except that the writer himself calls attention to the fact that in the earlier times the bread was in the form of "wafers."

[513] The Romans had a college of priests called the "Fratres Arvales," nine, or, as some say, twelve in number, to whose care were committed the sacrifices in honor of Ceres at the old limits of the city, to propitiate that goddess and induce her to bestow fertility upon the fields.

These ceremonies, which are believed by the editor of Bohn's Strabo to survive in the Rogation Day processions of the Roman Catholic Church, recall the notes already taken upon the subject of the Arval bread of the Scotch.

[514] The sacrifices themselves were designated "Ambarva" and "Ambarvalia."

In Scotland and England it was customary for bands of singers to go from door to door on New Year's Eve, singing and receiving reward.

In the latter country "cheese and oaten cakes, which are called _farls_, are distributed on this occasion among the cryers."

In the former country "there was a custom of distributing sweet cakes and a particular kind of sugared bread."

[515] A fine kind of wheat bread called "wassail-bread" formed an important feature of the entertainment on New Year's Day in old England.

[516] Among love divinations may be reckoned the dumb cake, so called because it was to be made without speaking, and afterwards the parties were to go backward up the stairs to bed and put the cake under their pillows, when they were to dream of their lovers.

[517] References to the beal-tine ceremonies of Ireland and Scotland, in which oatmeal gruel figured as a dish, or cakes made of oatmeal and carraway seeds, may be found in Brand, Pop.

Antiq.

, vol. 1, p. 226; in Blount, Tenures of Land and Customs of Manors, London, 1874, p. 131;

and in Pennant's Tour in Scotland, in Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 3, p. 49. In "A Charm for Bewitched Land" we find the mode of making a cake or loaf with holy water.

The mince pie and plum pudding of Christmas are evidently ancient preparations, and it is not unlikely that the shape of the former, which, prior to the Reformation, was that of a child's cradle, had a reminiscence of the sacrifice of babies at the time of the winter solstice.

Grimm has taught that where human sacrifice had been abolished the figure of a coffin or a cradle was still used as a symbol.

There is a wide field of information to be gleaned in the investigation of the subject of bean foods at certain periods or festivals of the year, and upon this point I have some notes and memoranda, but, as my present remarks are limited to prehistoric _farinaceous_ foods, I do not wish to add to the bulk of the present chapter.

[518] "Kostia--boiled rice and plums--is the only thing partaken of on Christmas Eve."

[519] GALENA.

At times one may find in the "medicine" of the more prominent and influential of the chiefs and medicine-men of the Apache little sacks which, when opened, are found to contain pounded galena; this they tell me is a "great medicine," fully equal to hoddentin, but more difficult to obtain.

It is used precisely as hoddentin is used; that is, both as a face paint and as a powder to be thrown to the sun or other elements to be propitiated.

The Apache are reluctant to part with it, and from living Apache I have never obtained more than one small sack of it.

No one seems to understand the reason for its employment.

Mr. William M.

Beebe has suggested that perhaps the fact that galena always crystallizes in cubes, and that it would thus seem to have a mysterious connection with the cardinal points to which all nomadic peoples pay great attention as being invested with the power of keeping wanderers from going astray, would not be without influence upon the minds of the medicine-men, who are quick to detect and to profit by all false analogies.

The conjecture appears to me to be a most plausible one, but I can submit it only as a conjecture, for no explanation of the kind was received from any of the Indians.

All that I can say is that whenever procurable it was always used by the Apache on occasions of unusual importance and solemnity and presented as a round disk painted in the center of the forehead.

The significance of all these markings of the face among savage and half-civilized nations is a subject deserving of the most careful research; like the sectarial marks of the Hindus, all, or nearly all, the marks made upon the faces of American Indians have a meaning beyond the ornamental or the grotesque.

Galena was observed in use among the tribes seen by Cabeza de Vaca.

"Ils nous donnèrent beaucoup de bourses, contenant des sachets de marcassites et d'antimoine en poudre."

("Taleguillas de margaxita y de alcohol molido."

)[520] This word "margaxita" means iron pyrites.

The Encyclopædia Britannica says that the Peruvians used it for "amulets;"

so also did the Apache.

What Vaca took for antimony was pounded galena no doubt.

He was by this time in or near the Rocky Mountains.

[521] On the northwest coast of America we read of the natives: "One, however, as he came near, took out from his bosom some iron or lead-colored micaceous earth and drew marks with it across his cheeks in the shape of two pears, stuffed his nostrils with grass, and thrust thin pieces of bone through the cartilage of his nose."

[522] It is more than probable that some of the face-painting with "black earth," "ground charcoal," etc. , to which reference is made by the early writers, may have been galena, which substance makes a deep-black mark.

The natives would be likely to make use of their most sacred powder upon first meeting with mysterious strangers like Vaca and his companions.

So, when the expedition of La Salle reached the mouth of the Ohio, in 1680, the Indians are described as fasting and making superstitious sacrifices; among other things, they marked themselves with "black earth" and with "ground charcoal."

"Se daban con Tierra Negra o Carbon molido."

[523] From an expression in Burton, I am led to suspect that the application of kohl or antimony to the eyes of Arabian beauty is not altogether for ornament.

"There are many kinds of kohl used in medicine and magic."

[524] Corbusier says of the Apache-Yuma: "Galena and burnt mescal are used on their faces, the former to denote anger or as war paint, being spread all over the face, except the chin and nose, which are painted red."

[525] In Coleman's Mythology of the Hindus, London, 1832, page 165, may be found a brief chapter upon the subject of the sectarial marks of the Hindus.

With these we may fairly compare the marks which the Apache, on ceremonial occasions, make upon cheeks and forehead.

The adherents of the Brahminical sects, before entering a temple, must mark themselves upon the forehead with the tiluk.

Among the Vishnuites, this is a longitudinal vermilion line.

The Seevites use several parallel lines in saffron.

[526] Maurice adds that the Hindus place the tiluk upon their idols in twelve places.

[527] "Among the Kaffir the warriors are rendered invulnerable by means of a black cross on their foreheads and black stripes on the cheeks, both painted by the Inyanga, or fetich priest."

[528] A piece of galena weighing 7½ pounds was found in a mound near Naples, Illinois.

[529] Occasionally with the bones of the dead are noticed small cubes of galena; and in our collection is a ball of this ore, weighing a pound and two ounces, which was taken from a mound, and which probably did service, enveloped in raw hide, as some form of weapon.

[530] Galena was much prized by the former inhabitants of North America.

"The frequent occurrence of galena on the altars of the sacrificial mounds proves, at any rate, that the ancient inhabitants attributed a peculiar value to it, deeming it worthy to be offered as a sacrificial gift."

[531] See also Squier and Davis.

[532] FOOTNOTES:

[247] Deane, Serpent Worship, London, 1833, p. 410. [248] The medicine sack or bag of the Apache, containing their "hoddentin," closely resembles the "bullæ" of the Romans--in which "On y mettait des préservatifs contre les maléfices."

Musée de Naples, London, 1836, p. 4. Copy shown me by Mr. Spofford, of the Library of Congress.

[249] Information of Tze-go-juni.

[250] Information of Concepcion.

[251] See notes, a few pages farther on, from Kohl; also those from Godfrey Higgins.

The word "opé" suggests the name the Tusayan have for themselves, Opi, or Opika, "bread people."

[252] Information of Tze-go-juni.

[253] Information of Mike Burns.

[254] Information of Mickey Free.

[255] Information of Alchise, Mike, and others.

[256] Information of Francesca and other captive Chiricahua squaws.

[257] Information of Moses Henderson.

[258] Information of Chato.

[259] Information of Tze-go-juni.

[260] Information of Moses Henderson and other Apache at San Carlos.

[261] Bureau of Ethnology, Report for 1883-'84. [262] Information of Francesca and others.

[263] Information of Tze-go-juni.

[264] Smart, in Smithsonian Report for 1867, p. 419. [265] Snake Dance of Moquis of Arizona, New York, 1884. [266] In the third volume of Kingsborough, on plate 17 (Aztec picture belonging to M. Pejernavy, Pesth, Hungary), an Aztec, probably a priest, is shown offering food to a snake, which eats it out of his hand.

[267] Corbusier, in American Antiquarian, November, 1886, pp. 336-37. [268] Information of Moses Henderson.

[269] American Antiquarian, Sept.

and Nov.

, 1886. [270] Ann.

Rep. Bu.

Eth.

, 1883-'84. [271] Snake Dance of the Moquis.

[272] Interview with Pedro Pino.

[273] Kunque has added to the cornmeal the meal of two varieties of corn, blue and yellow, a small quantity of pulverized sea shells, and some sand, and when possible a fragment of the blue stone called "chalchihuitl."

In grinding the meal on the metates the squaws are stimulated by the medicine-men who keep up a constant singing and drumming.

[274] Simpson, Expedition to the Navajo Country, in Senate Doc.

64, 31st Cong.

, 1st sess.

, 1849-'50, p. 95. [275] Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. 3, p. 470. "Echavan mucha harina de maiz por el suelo para que la pisassen los caballos."

--Padre Fray Juan Gonzales de Mendoza, De las Cosas de Chino, etc. , Madrid, 1586, p. 172. See also the Relacion of Padre Fray Alonso Fernandez, Historia Eclesiastica de Nuestros Tiempos, Toledo, 1611, pp. 15, 16. [276] P.

162. [277] Diego Duran, vol. 2, cap.

49, pp. 506, 507. [278] Herrera, dec.

5. , lib.

4, cap.

5, p. 92. [279] Padre Christoval de Molina, Fables and Rites of the Yncas, translated by Markham in Hakluyt Soc.

Trans.

, vol. 48, p. 63, London, 1873. [280] Montesinos, pp. 161, 162, in Ternaux-Compans, vol. 17, Mémoires sur l'ancien Pérou.

[281] Relation of the voyage of Don Fernando Alarcon, in Hakluyt Voyages, vol. 3, p. 508. [282] Alarcon in Ternaux-Compans, Voy.

, vol. 9, p. 330. See also in Hakluyt Voyages, vol. 3, p. 516. [283] Kitchi-gami, London, 1860, p. 51. [284] See also on the subject Acosta, Hist.

Naturelle des Indes, lib.

5, cap.

19, p. 241. [285] Landa, Cosas de Yucatan, Paris, 1864, page 148. [286] Bancroft, Native Races, vol. 2, p. 145. See also Clavigero, Hist.

of Mexico, Philadelphia, 1817, vol. 2, p. 128. [287] Smith, Araucanians, 1855, pp. 274-275. [288] Smith, True Travels, Adventures and Observations, Richmond, 1819, vol. 1, p. 161. [289] Cérémonies et Coûtumes, Amsterdam, 1735, vol. 6, p. 74. [290] Historia de las Indias, p. 284. [291] Colonial Records of North Carolina, 1886, vol. 1, p. 930. [292] Mœurs des Sauvages, Paris, 1724, vol. 1, p. 386. [293] Personal notes of May 26, 1881; conversation with Chi and Damon at Fort Defiance.

Navajo Agency, Arizona.

[294] Ibid.

[295] Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, p. 160. [296] Schoolcraft, Ind.

Tribes, vol. 4, p. 213. [297] Columbus Letters, in Hakluyt Soc.

Works, London, 1847, vol. 2, p. 192. [298] Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, p. 279. [299] The medicine-men of the Swampy Crees, as described in Bishop of Rupert's Land's works, quoted by Henry Youle Hind, Canadian Exploring Expedition, vol. 1, p. 113. [300] Personal notes, November 22, 1885, at Baker's ranch, summit of the Sierra Ancha, Arizona.

[301] Tanner's Narrative, p. 174. [302] Blount, Tenures of Land and Customs of Manors, London, 1874, p. 355. [303] Brand, Popular Antiquities, London, 1882, vol. 3, pp. 307 et seq.

[304] Crónica Seráfica, p. 434. [305] Nicolas Perrot, Mœurs, Coustumes et Relligion des sauvages de l'Amérique Septentrionale (Ed.

of Rev. P.

J.

Tailhan, S. J.

,) Leipzig, 1864. Perrot was a coureur de bois, interpreter, and donné of the Jesuit missions among the Ottawa, Sioux, Iowa, etc. , from 1665 to 1701. [306] Leems', Account of Danish Lapland, in Pinkerton's Voyages, London, 1814, vol. 1, p. 484. [307] Across Africa, London, 1877, vol. 1, p. 277. [308] Ibid.

, vol. 2, pp. 118, 120. [309] Source of the Nile, London, 1863, introd.

, p. xxi.

[310] Cameron, Across Africa, London, 1877, vol. 2, p. 201. [311] Source of the Nile, London, 1863, pp. 130, 259. [312] Dark Continent, vol. 2, p. 260. [313] Schultze, Fetichism, New York, 1885, p. 53. [314] Ibid.

, footnote, page 53. [315] Ibid.

, p. 67. [316] Asiatick Researches, Calcutta, 1805, vol. 8, p. 78. [317] Coleman, Mythology of the Hindus, London, 1832, p. 44. [318] History of the Sect of the Mahárájahs, quoted by Inman, Ancient Faiths, etc. , vol. 1, p. 393. [319] Higgins, Anacalypsis, vol. 1, p. 261. [320] Picart, Cérémonies et Coûtumes, etc. , vol. 6, part 2, p. 119. [321] Among the Mongols, London, 1883, p. 179. [322] Wright, Sorcery and Magic, London, 1851, vol. 1, p. 346. [323] Anacalypsis, vol. 2, p. 244. [324] Rivers of Life, vol. 1, p. 161. [325] Source of the Nile, London, 1863, pp. 205, 208. [326] Sahagun, vol. 2, in Kingsborough, vol. 6, p. 29. [327] Forlong, Rivers of Life, vol. 1, p. 184. [328] Ibid.

, pp. 185, 186. [329] Ibid.

, p. 186. [330] Dec.

6, lib.

1, p. 9. [331] Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, vol. 7, pp. 242, 250. [332] Relation of Cabeza de Vaca in Purchas, vol. 4, lib.

8, cap.

1, sec.

4, p. 1524. [333] Conquest of New Mexico, p. 100. [334] Ensayo Cronologico, pp. 12 et seq.

[335] See also on this point Corbusier, in American Antiquarian, November, 1886. [336] Rau's translation in Smithsonian Ann.

Rep. , 1863, p. 364. [337] Probably the Lake of Parras.

[338] Historia de la Compañía de Jesus en Nueva-España, vol. 1, p. 284. [339] History of Virginia.

[340] See also article by J. Howard Gore, Smithsonian Report, 1881. [341] Pinkerton, Voyages, London, 1814, vol. 13, p. 468. [342] Personal notes, April 5, 1881. [343] Drake, World Encompassed, pp. 124-126, quoted by H. H.

Bancroft, Native Races, vol. 1, pp. 387-388. (This chaplain stated so many things ignorantly that nothing is more probable than that he attempted to describe, without seeing it, the plant from which the Indians told him that hoddentin (or downe) was obtained.

The principal chief or "king" would, on such an awe-inspiring occasion as meeting with strange Europeans, naturally want to cover himself and followers with all the hoddentin the country afforded.

) [344] Kennan, Tent Life in Siberia, p. 66. [345] Quoted by Kingsborough, vol. 6, p. 100. [346] Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, vol. 2, lib.

10, cap.

22, p. 274. [347] Gallatin, in Trans.

Am.

Ethnol.

Soc.

, vol. 1, pp. 117-118. [348] Vetancurt, Teatro Mexicano, vol. 1, p. 271. [349] Mœurs des Sauvages, vol. 2, pp. 194, 195. [350] Madrid, 1870, vol. 14, p. 320. [351] Ibid.

[352] Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, vol. 9, p. 159. [353] Among others consult Crónica Seráfica y Apostolica of Espinosa, Mexico, 1746, p. 419, speaking of the Asinai of Texas in 1700: "Siembran tambien cantidad de Gyrasoles que se dan muy corpulentos y la flor muy grande que en el centro tienen la semilla como de piñones y de ella mixturada con el maiz hacen un bollo que es de mucho sabor y sustancia."

[354] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.

Nations Civilisées, quoted by Bancroft, Native Races, vol. 3, p. 421. [355] Sahagun, in book 7, Kingsborough, p. 71. [356] Squier, Serpent Symbol, p. 193, quoting Torquemada, lib.

7, cap.

8. [357] History of Mexico, Philadelphia, 1817, vol. 2, p. 79. See the additional note from Clavigero, which would seem to show that this etzalli was related to the espadaña or rush.

[358] Monarchia Indiana, vol. 2, lib.

6, cap.

38, p. 71. [359] Ibid.

, p. 72. [360] Ibid.

, p. 73. [361] Dec.

3, lib.

2, pp. 71, 72. [362] Native Races, vol. 3, p. 323. [363] Diego Duran, vol. 3, p. 187. [364] See notes already given from Buckingham Smith's translation of Vaca.

[365] Diego Duran, vol. 3, p. 195. [366] José Acosta, Hist.

des Indes, ed.

of Paris, 1600, liv.

5, cap.

24, p. 250. [367] Monarchia Indiana, lib.

10, cap.

33. [368] Ibid.

, lib.

6, cap.

48. [369] From Paris to Pekin, London, 1885, pp. 312, 313. [370] New York, 1830, p. 191. [371] Dubois, People of India, London, 1817, p. 490. [372] Gomara, Historia de Méjico, p. 445. [373] Mendieta, Hist.

Eclesiástica Ind.

, p. 108. [374] Ibid.

, p. 402. [375] Ibid.

, p. 515. [376] Gomara, Historia de Méjico, p. 446. [377] From the account of lecture appearing in the Evening Star, Washington, D. C.

, May 19, 1888. [378] Herrera, dec.

5, lib.

4, cap.

5, p. 92. [379] Balboa, Histoire du Pérou, in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, vol. 15, pp. 124 and 127. [380] See the explanatory text to the Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough, vol. 5, p. 90 et seq.

[381] Historia de Méjico, p. 439. [382] Clavigero, History of Mexico, Philadelphia, 1817, vol. 2, p. 101. [383] "They strewed the temple in a curious way with rushes."