Life of Mozart Volume 2 — CHAPTER XXIV. FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA Part 2

Mozart sought to gain favour with the Emperor by securing the support of his groom of the chamber, Strack, who possessed great influence in musical affairs.

He tells his father (November 3, 1781) that on his name-day (October 31), which he had celebrated at the house of Baroness Waldstätten, he had been surprised by a serenade of his own composition (375 K.

), which he had composed on St. Theresa's day (October 15) for the daughter-in-law of the court painter, Hickl.

"The chief reason I wrote it," he continues, "was to let Herr von Strack, who goes there almost daily, hear something of mine, and I made it somewhat serious accordingly; it was very much admired."

He ventured at a later date to count upon Strack as his friend with the Emperor, although, as he cautiously adds, "the courtier is never to be trusted" (January 23, 1782).

The report having reached Salzburg that the Emperor intended taking Mozart into his service, he answers his father (April 10, 1782):-- The reason that I have not written to you about it is because I know nothing of it myself.

It is certain, however, that the whole town is full of it, and that I am congratulated on all sides; I would fain believe, too, that the Emperor has been spoken to on the subject, and {FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.

} (202) has it in his mind, but so far I have not heard a word.

It has gone so far that the Emperor is thinking of it, and that without my having moved a step in the matter.

I have been sundry times to see Herr von Strack (who is on my side) both to keep him in mind of me, and because I like him; but not often enough to be tiresome or to appear to have any motive in it; and he must acknowledge as an honest man that he has not heard a word from me which could give him occasion to say that I wished to remain, far less to be engaged by the Emperor.

We talk of nothing but music.

It is of his own free will and quite disinterestedly that he speaks of me to the Emperor.

Since it has gone so far without my co-operation, it may come to something.

If one appears anxious, there is less chance of a good salary, for the Emperor is certainly a niggard.

If he wants to have me, he must pay me for it; for the honour of being in the Emperor's service does not go very far with me.

Joseph II.

was accustomed to have a concert in his own apartments every afternoon.

[37] He generally dined alone in the music-room, which did not usually occupy more than a quarter of an hour; if there was no important business to be transacted, the concert began as soon as the cloth was removed, and lasted for about an hour, so that the Emperor might visit the theatre.

Three times a week there was a grand concert, at which Gassmann,[38] and later Salieri, or sometimes Umlauf, were expected to appear; there was no audience, and the Archduke Maximilian, when he was present, took an active part in the performance.

Joseph II.

possessed a thorough musical education,[39] and preferred the severe style (Vol. I.

, p. 368); his fine bass voice had been trained in the Italian school,[40] and he played the violoncello and viola, as well as the clavier; he also read both vocal and instrumental music with great facility, and was a skilful player from score.

Usually separate pieces were selected from operas and, oratorios; the Emperor accompanied from the score on the clavier, and also took a tenor or bass part--a pathetic one by preference.

[41] The pieces chosen were {KREIBICH AND THE ORCHESTRA.

} (203) sometimes old favourites of the Emperor, sometimes new works with which he thus became acquainted; the operas which were afterwards to be performed were generally gone through in this way by the Emperor and the Archduke Maximilian.

[42] The pieces were generally played and sung at sight;

it amused the Emperor to put the executants on their trial, and he was delighted at the confusion which often ensued; the more energetic and distracted the conductor Kreibich became, the more heartily the Emperor laughed.

[43] At the ordinary concerts the Emperor only took part in the quartet.

The first violin was played by Kreibich (or Greybig), "a man who was made for a conductor; he has a capital insight into the theory of music, but, unfortunately for his art, affects a certain degree of charlatanry.

His timidity prevents his executing solo parts with distinctness and elegance, and his bowing is not sufficiently round and firm."

This nervousness, joined to a pompous manner, made him the butt of the jokes and squibs of the musical circle,[44] and though not at all ill-natured, he was not in a position to make his opinion of value, but allowed himself to be made the tool of others, who were willing enough to let him appear to the Emperor and the public as the leader of all that related to the chamber music.

With him were associated the violinists Woborzil, who led the orchestra in the German opera, Hoffmann, Ponheim, and Krottendorfer, mediocre artists and unimportant men; of the last it was only said that he flattered Strack, and was his marionette.

Strack was in fact the soul of these concerts; he had the direction of the musicians, played the violoncello, and was present on every occasion, while the others took it by turns; this, together with his personal position, gave him overpowering influence with the Emperor.

"You know the kind of men {FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.

} (204) who, as Schiller says, come in as makeshifts when any one is wanted.

Strack has always been with Joseph, and has used his opportunities so well that, in the musical line, he can do exactly as he likes."

It was a fact that good music, especially good instrumental music, was seldom performed in the closet.

If a quartet was played it was by a second-rate composer, and the masters who were then founding a new epoch in this province, Haydn--for whose "tricks" the Emperor did not care much[45]--and Mozart, together with their imitators, Pleyel and Kozeluch, were excluded, or as good as excluded.

This was considered to be owing to Strack's influence, and it was wondered at that Salieri, "the idol of the Emperor," who invariably took part in the private concerts, did not assert his opinion; but he "was too politic to come into collision with the shadow of his Emperor."

How far, after all, was Salieri capable of influencing the music of his day?

Joseph's taste had been formed on the tradition of Italian music, represented by Hasse and Piccinni, and his predilections retained the same direction.

His wish to develop a national school of music proceeded from rational conviction; and, though he was intellectually capable of appreciating the works of Gluck and Mozart, they were not really after his own heart.

He had avowedly accustomed himself to look for entertainment in music, and was overpowered by the independent power and fulness which Gluck, Haydn, and Mozart brought to bear upon their art.

Salieri had no reason for combating the Emperor's inclinations, since they were also his own.

He skilfully sought to turn to account the acquisitions which music had made in various directions, and to make Italian opera capable of satisfying the demands of a more enlightened taste.

With the exception of the operas written for Paris, in which he consciously followed Gluck's manner, he remained throughout true to the tradition of Italian opera, introduced no new element into it, and did not possess {SALIERI AND MOZART.

} (205) originality enough to make an indelible mark on the music of the day.

But it was just this mediocrity of talent, skill, and taste which won for him the favour of his imperial master and of the public; it would have required the possession of a singular union of moral and artistic greatness and magnanimity to acknowledge rising genius as superior to his own, and to bow himself down before it--and Salieri was not capable of this.

He is described as a benevolent and good-tempered man, amiable in his private life, and adorned with the well-deserved fame of noble and generous actions;[46] but these good qualities did not preserve from envy either his reputation or his position.

In the year 1780 he had just returned from a lengthened tour in Italy, which had brought him new fame and honour, and had confirmed him in the favour of the Emperor; at this point Mozart made his appearance as a rival, dangerous by reason of his brilliant powers of execution, which most readily win the applause of the multitude, as well as by his compositions.

The "Entführung" threatening to throw Salieri's "Rauch-fangkehrer" completely into the shade, and "Idomeneo" establishing its composer as a formidable competitor on his own ground, it was impossible that Salieri, who instinctively felt Mozart's superiority, could long pretend indifference to it.

There was no interruption of their personal intercourse.

[47] Mozart was friendly and unconstrained in his behaviour to his fellow-artists, "even to Salieri, who could not bear him," as Frau Sophie Haibl, Mozart's sister-in-law, relates, and Salieri was "too politic" to make any show of his dislike to Mozart.

It was understood in Vienna, however, that he did dislike him, and that he secretly strove to check his progress, not only by depreciatory criticism,[48] but by every {FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.

} (206) sort of obstacle thrown in his way from the very first.

Salieri had been appointed maestro to the Princess Elizabeth, but he was unable to instruct her on the clavier, and Mozart had clearly the next claim.

"He may take the trouble," writes he to his father (August 31, 1782), "to do me harm in this matter, but the Emperor knows me; the princess would have liked to learn from me from the first, and I know that my name stands in the book where the list of all those appointed to her service is kept."

But Salieri was much too cautious to allow Mozart to attain to such a position.

An unknown musician named Summerer was appointed teacher of the clavier to the Princess Elizabeth.

Mozart consoled himself, when he heard that the salary was only four hundred florins, by the reflection that it would not leave much over when the waiting, travelling, and other expenses contingent on such a service had been paid for (October 12, 1782).

Under these circumstances Salieri and Strack were naturally sworn allies in the Emperor's music room, and resisted together the introduction of any elements which would undermine their influence by giving the Emperor's taste a new direction.

Although, therefore, Mozart was encouraged by the Emperor's expressions of liking for him, more especially as "great rulers are not too fond of saying such things for fear of a dagger-thrust from an envious rival," yet the obstacles which he had to overcome in the surroundings of the Emperor were likely to prove too powerful for him.

The Emperor's parsimony also restrained him from adding another kapellmeister to those who were already in receipt of salaries from the court.

Another chance of such a fixed situation as his father was continually urging upon him to secure offered itself through Prince Aloys Liechtenstein, the eldest son of the reigning prince, whose income was estimated at 900,000 imperial {CONCERTS, LESSONS, AND COMPOSITIONS.

} (207) gulden.

[49] He proposed enrolling a band of wind instruments in his service, and wished to engage Mozart to arrange pieces for it.

For this he could not expect a high salary, but it would be a certain one, for he had quite resolved to accept none but a permanent engagement.

But this hope, too, was disappointed,[50] and he continued to exist on the uncertain proceeds of lessons, concerts, and composition.

The state of affairs improved somewhat in the winter.

He had constant pupils in the Countess Rumbeck and Frau von Trattnem, to whom was added later the Countess Zichy.

He gave each of them a lesson daily, and received six ducats for twelve, which sufficed for absolute necessities.

Six sonatas for clavier and violin, for which his patronesses had opened a subscription of three ducats, were completed and printed in November, 1781. [51] In Lent he gave a concert, at which, following the advice of his patrons, he played selections from "Idomeneo" and his concerto in D major (175 K. ), for which he had composed a new rondo (382 K. ).

The rondo "made a great sensation," and was sent to Salzburg, with a request that it might be treasured as a jewel.

"I wrote it especially for myself, and no one else shall play it except my dear sister" (March 2, 1782).

As a conclusion he played a fantasia.

He had been advised to do this because he would be thereby most certain of outrivalling Clementi, who was giving a concert at about the same time.

[52] Mozart had plenty of invitations to play at other people's concerts and in society, on which occasions a new composition had generally to be written.

At Auernhammer's concert, for instance, he played with the daughter a "sonata for two" (381 K. ), which he {FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.

} (208) had composed on purpose, and which "was a great success" (November 24, 1781).

He wrote easier pieces for his pupils.

"I must close my letter" he writes (June 20, 1781), "for I have to prepare some variations for a pupil"; and soon after he wrote to his sister (July 4, 1781): "I have written three airs with variations, which are not worth the trouble of sending alone.

I will wait until there is something to accompany them."

His time was fully occupied, therefore, and he had no difficulty in proving the injustice of his sister's reproaches to him for not writing oftener (February 13, 1782):-- You must not conclude that you do not give me pleasure by writing to me because I do not always answer you.

I always look forward with great pleasure to receiving a letter from you, my dear sister.

If I were not prevented by pressing engagements, God knows I would always answer you.

Is it true that I have never answered you?

It certainly has not been from forgetfulness nor carelessness, but from simple impossibility!

Bad enough, you will say, but do I write often, even to my father?

You both know Vienna.

You ought to know that a man who has no regular income must work day and night in such a city.

Our father, when he has finished his church service, and you, when you have dismissed your few pupils, can do as you like all the rest of the day, and you may write letters long enough to contain the whole litany, if you like; but I can do no such thing.

I gave my father a description of my mode of life a short time ago.

I will repeat it for you now.

At six o'clock my barber comes, at seven I am dressed, and write until nine.

From nine o'clock till one I give lessons, then I dine, if I am not invited out, in which case we dine at two or even three o'clock, as we shall to-day and to-morrow at the Countess Zichy's and Countess Thun's. I cannot begin to work again till five or six o'clock, and am often even then prevented by a concert;

if not, I write.

The continual concerts, and the uncertainty as to whether I shall be called away here or there, prevent my writing in the evening; so it is my custom (especially when I come home early) to compose something before I go to bed.

I often write on until one o'clock, and am up again at six!

My dearest sister, if you really believe that I can forget you or my father, then--but no!

God knows it, and that is enough for me; let Him punish me if I ever forget you.

Instances are not wanting of his affection and thought for his father and sister.

He sends his father (March 23, 1782) a snuffbox and a pair of watch ribbons: "The snuffbox is a good one, and the picture on it is from an English story;

{PERFORMANCE OF THE "ENTFÜHRUNG," JULY, 1782.

} (209) the watch ribbons are not very valuable, but they are high fashion here just now."

He did not buy either of them, he adds for his father's consolation, but was presented with them by Count Szapary.

To his sister also he sent different bits of finery, and begged her to intrust him with any commission in Vienna; he also testified the warmest sympathy in her love affairs.

He did not forget his old Salzburg friends in Vienna--begs for news of them from his sister, "the walking register of Salzburg," and wished still to be considered as an active member of the quoit club.

During these manifold occupations the opera had still the first place in his thoughts, but it was at a standstill owing to the production of Gluck's two operas and the numerous alterations which were necessary in the libretto; he hoped that it would be ready for representation, however, directly after Easter.

This was not the case, but on May 8 he writes: "Yesterday I was with the Countess Thun, and ran over the second act for her; she is as pleased with it as she was with the first"; and on May 29: "Next Monday is to be the first rehearsal; I must admit that I am delighted with this opera."

And he had good cause to be so, for its ultimate success was assured.

But he had to fight against strong cabals, and it needed the express command of the Emperor to bring the opera to performance on July 13. High as had been the expectations of the public, they were fully justified by the result.

"The house was crammed full, there was no end to the applause and cheering, and performances followed one another in quick succession."

[53] After having given his father a short account of the first performance, he reports more fully on the second (July 20, 1782):-- Yesterday my opera was given for the second time.

Can you believe that the opposition was even stronger than on the first evening?

The whole of the first act was drowned, but they could not prevent the bravos after every song.

My hope was in the closing terzet, but {FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.

} (210) Fischer had been rendered nervous, and went wrong, as did Dauer, and Adamberger alone could not put things right; so that the whole effect was lost; and this time it was not encored.

I was beside myself with rage, and so was Adamberger; we agreed that the opera should not be given again without a rehearsal for the singers.

In the second act the two duets were encored, and also Belmonte's rondo, "Wenn der Freude Thranen fliessen," &c. The theatre was almost more crowded than on the first performance; the day before not a seat was to be had either on the _noble parterre_ or in the third story, and not a single box.

The opera has brought twelve hundred florins in the two days.

In the next letter (July 27, 1782), he continues:-- My opera was given yesterday (St. Ann's day) in honour of all Nannerls, for the third time, and the theatre, in spite of the stifling heat, was again crammed full.

It was to have been played again next Friday, but I have protested, for I do not want it to be run to death.

People are quite foolish about the opera, I must say.

But it does one good to receive such applause.

Notwithstanding this, it was given again on July 30, and also on the Friday, and the theatre "swarmed with people in every part."

Mozart was busily employed in arranging his opera for harmony (wind) music, when he received a commission from the Haffner family in Salzburg (Vol. I.

, p. 153) to compose a new serenata.

L.

Mozart had first been applied to, and he thought it becoming that Wolfgang should lighten his father's labours by undertaking a work which cost him no exertion, and would be of direct advantage to his father.

He therefore begged him to write a serenata without delay, for the time was approaching when it was to be performed.

Wolfgang was quite ready to consent, inconvenient as it might be to him (July 20, 1782):-- I have certainly enough to do, for by Sunday week my opera must be arranged for wind instruments, or some one else will get the start of me, and reap the profit; and now I have to write a new symphony!

I

hardly see how it will be possible.

You would not believe how difficult it is to arrange a work like this for harmony, so that it may preserve its effects, and yet be suitable for wind instruments.

Well, I must give up my nights to it, for it cannot be done any other way; and to you, my dear father, they shall be devoted.

You shall certainly receive something every post-day, and I will work as quickly as I can, and as well as I can compatibly with such haste.

{HAFFNER--SERENATA, 1782.

} (211) He kept his word, although not quite so soon as he himself wished.

In his next letter he writes (July 27, 1782):-- You will make a wry face when you see only the first allegro; but it could not be helped, for I was called upon to compose a serenade in great haste--but only for wind instruments, or else I could have used it for you.

On Wednesday, the 31st, I will send the two minuets, the andante, and the last movement: if I can I will send a march also; if not, you must take that belonging to the Haffner music, which is very little known (249 K. ).

I have written it in D, because you prefer it.

But the serenata was not ready within the next few days, for he says in his letter of July 31:-- You see that my will is good, but if one cannot do a thing--why one cannot!

I cannot slur over anything, so it will be next post-day before I can send you the whole symphony.

A week later he wrote (August 7, 1782):-- Herewith I send you a short march (probably 445 K. ).

I hope all will arrive in good time, and that you will find it to your taste.

The first allegro must be fiery, and the last as quick as possible.

Six months later, when he had this symphony sent back to him for performance at one of his concerts, he wrote to his father (February 15,1783): "The new Haffner symphony has quite astonished me, for I did not remember a word of it, and it must be very effective."

These little incidents show us the true Mozart, in his good-nature and readiness to oblige his father, and in his power of productiveness and elasticity of mind; he excuses himself for not having the symphony ready in a fortnight--and that at a time when not only his opera, but also his courtship and marriage were filling his head and his heart--and then he is astonished at himself for having done the thing so well.

[54] The serenata which was thus composed is the lovely one in C minor (388 K. ).

Meanwhile the opera pursued its successful course; in the {FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.

} (212) course of the year it was performed sixteen times; and in the beginning of October, when the Archduke and his wife returned to Vienna, on their homeward journey, the "Entführung" was given in their honour, "on which occasion I thought it as well to sit at the piano again and conduct," he writes to his father (October 19, 1782), "partly to wake up the somewhat slumbering energies of the orchestra, partly to show the great people present that I am the father of my offspring."

Kaiser Joseph had attained the object of his ambition; the German opera was established;

but he scarcely seemed to appreciate the importance of the movement thus set on foot.

His criticism on the "Entführung"--"Too fine for our ears, and an immense number of notes, my dear Mozart!"

(referring, no doubt, to the accompaniment, which was also found fault with by Dittersdorf as overpowering the voices)[55]--is indicative of his taste.

Mozart's spirited answer, "Just as many notes, your majesty, as are necessary," was worthy of an artist.

[56] Generally speaking, the opera received unmitigated praise.

Prince Kaunitz, an accomplished amateur and passionate friend of the theatre,[57] sent for the young composer, received him in the most flattering manner, and remained henceforth his friend and patron.

The veteran Gluck, the most distinguished person in the musical world, expressed a desire to hear the opera which was making so much sensation; it was performed at his request, as Mozart writes to his father (August 7, 1782), although it had been given only a few days before; he paid the composer many compliments on it, and invited him to dinner.

The opera had decided Mozart's musical position in Vienna;[58] it speedily caused his fame to spread throughout Germany.

The Prussian minister, Baron Riedesel--the {SUCCESS OF THE ENTFÜHRUNG.

} (213) well-known traveller and friend of Winckelmann--begged Mozart for a copy of the score for performance in Berlin, for which he was to receive suitable remuneration.

This was the more flattering, since André's version of the "Entführung" had been well received in Berlin only the year before.

Mozart had sent the original score to his father immediately after the first performance, that he might become acquainted with the composition before seeing the opera, which he was not to do until the end of 1784, in Salzburg:-- I have just promised to have it copied.

As I have not got the opera I am obliged to borrow it from the copyist, which is very inconvenient, since I never can keep it three days together; the Emperor continually sends for it, as he did yesterday, and it is so often performed; it has been performed ten times since August 16. My idea was, therefore, to have it copied in Salzburg, where it can be done more secretly and cheaper.

The father, who watched his son's proceedings with jealousy and suspicion, thought he detected something underhand in the objection to have the copying done in Vienna.

He had reminded his son, _ä propos_ of "Idomeneo," that the score should remain the property of the composer (Vol. II.

, p. 141); and he now cautioned him as to whether he had the right to dispose of the score, would it not cause unpleasantness in Vienna, and that for the sake of an uncertain verbal promise of payment.

To this Wolfgang answered (October 5, 1782):-- I waited on the Baron von Riedesel myself; he is a charming man, and I promised him (in the belief that the opera was already in the hands of the copyist) that he should have it at the end of this month, or at the latest at the beginning of November.

I must beg you to take care that I have it by that time.

To relieve you of all anxiety, which I thankfully acknowledge as a proof of your fatherly love, I cannot say anything more convincing than that I am under great obligation to the Baron for having asked me for the opera, instead of going direct to the copyist (as is the custom in Italy), who would have given it to him directly for ready money; and besides this, I should have been very sorry if my talent could be paid for in that way--especially by a hundred ducats!

[59] This time (because there is no occasion) I shall say nothing {FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.

} (214) about it; if it is performed, as it is certain to be (and that is what pleases me most about it), it will be known soon enough, and my enemies will have no excuse for ridiculing me, and treating me as a poor fellow: they will be quite ready to ask me for another opera if I will write it, but I do not know that I shall; certainly not if I am to be paid one hundred ducats, and see the theatre make four times that sum in a fortnight.

I shall bring out my next opera at my own expense, make at least twelve hundred florins in three representations, and then the management may have it for fifty ducats.

If not, I shall be paid, and can produce it anywhere.

Meanwhile I hope you will never find in me the least trace of any evil intentions.

I would fain not be a bad fellow, but I do not want to be a stupid one who lets other people reap the advantage of his labour and study, and gives up his rightful claim to his own works.

The father's distrustful prudence prevented his putting the work in hand at once, and such haste was then necessary that no copyist in Salzburg would undertake it; Mozart had no resource but to explain the cause of the delay to the ambassador.

But in the end the score was copied in Salzburg.

The "Entführung" was performed the following year at Prague with extraordinary success.

[60] "I cannot describe the applause and sensation which it excited at Vienna from my own observation," says Niemetschek; "but I was a witness of the enthusiasm with which it was received at Prague by connoisseurs and non-connoisseurs.

It made what one had hitherto heard and known appear not to be music at all!

Every one was transported--amazed at the novel harmonies, and at the original passages for the wind instruments."

It was given at Leipzig in 1783;[61] at Mannheim,[62] Salzburg, and Schwedt in 1784;[63] at Cassel in 1785;[64] at Berlin not until 1788. [65] The applause was great on all occasions, and very soon the smaller stages sought to master the favourite piece.

The actor Philipp Hasenhuth used to relate how the theatrical manager {PERFORMANCES OF THE "ENTFÜHRUNG".

} (215) Wilhelm, at Baden,[66] in 1783 or 1784, undertook the production of the "Entführung" with a very weak company.

At the rehearsal of the quartet there was no tenor-player; Hasenhuth, who had just begun to learn the violin, and hardly knew one string from another, was put down to the tenor.

A little man who had come in as a spectator sat down by him, and when he saw the deficiency, seized a viola and they played together.

But the little man soon showed his impatience of his stumbling neighbour, and giving vent to his anger more and more plainly as the quartet proceeded, he ended by flinging away the viola, exclaiming, "The man is a veritable donkey!"

(Der Herr ist ein wahrer Krautesel!

), and running out of the room.

The opera, however, was a great success; and the well-satisfied manager gave his company a farewell supper, to which, hearing that Mozart was in Baden, he invited the composer.

Hasenhuth was astonished to recognise in him the tenor-player at the rehearsal, but Mozart relieved him from all awkwardness by saying good-humouredly, "I was somewhat impolite when we last met, but I did not know who you were, and the devil himself could not have stood the wrong notes!"

The judgment of contemporary critics of the opera was almost unanimously of accord with that of the public.

[67] It is not probable that Mozart obtained any share of the rich profits which accrued from the production of his opera on these various stages.

He was even cheated out of the production of a clavier score.

"Now it has come to pass exactly as I foretold to my son," wrote L. Mozart to his daughter (December 16, 1785); "the 'Entführung aus dem Serail' has appeared in clavier score at Augsburg, and has also been printed at Mayence.

Since March, when he began it, my son has not found time to finish it.

He has lost his time, and Torricella (who was to publish it at Vienna) his profits."

[68] FOOTNOTES OF CHAPTER XXIV.

[Footnote 1: He wrote to Breitkopf (August 10, 1781): "My son is no longer in the service of this court.

He was summoned to Vienna by our Prince, who was there, we being in Munich.

But his highness lost no opportunity of insulting and ill-treating my son, who, on the other hand, received much honour from all the high nobility of Vienna.

My son was therefore easily persuaded to forsake his ill-rewarded service, and to remain in Vienna."

] [Footnote 2: Jahrb.

d.

Tonkunst, 1796, p. 51. ] [Footnote 3: Devrient, Gesch.

der Deutsch.

Schauspielkunst, III.

, p. 117. ] [Footnote 4: Cf.

Sonnenfels' programme of his theatrical management in the year 1770, in Müller's Abschied von der Bühne, p. 73. ] [Footnote 5: Muller, Abschied, p. 79. Lange, Selbstbiogr.

, p. 25. ] [Footnote 6: Lange, Selbstbiogr.

, p. 65. Meyer, C. Schröder, I. , p. 361. ] [Footnote 7: Müller, Abschied, p. 95. A.

M. Z.

, XXIV.

, p. 253. ] [Footnote 8: Carl Pichler, Denkwürdigkeiten, I. , p. 78. ] [Footnote 9: Meyer, I. , pp. 361, 375. ] [Footnote 10: A survey and account of the Vienna stage of the time will be found in K. R[isbeck], Briefe über Deutschland, I. , p. 258. Nicolai, Reise, IV.

, p. 587. Meyer, C. Schroder, I. , p. 355. ] [Footnote 11: An accurate account of the state of German opera is given by Muller (Abschied von der Bühne, p. 253).

Cf.

A.

M. Z.

, XXIV.

, p. 254. K.

R[isbeck] (Briefe über Deutschland, I. , p. 269) says that the members of the opera were looked down upon by those of the old comedy, and there were almost daily ridiculous displays of jealousy and ill-nature.

] [Footnote 12: Forkel, Musik.

Krit.

Bibl.

, II.

, p. 392. ] [Footnote 13: Sonnleithner, Recensionen, 1862, No. II.

, p. 18. ] [Footnote 14: Lange, Selbstbiogr.

, p. 104. Muller, Abschied, pp. 259, 261. ] [Footnote 15: Theaterkal.

, 1781, p. 183. ] [Footnote 16: Müller, Abschied, pp. 181, 189, 194. ] [Footnote 17: The _personnel_ of the opera from 1781 to 1783, which, with their salaries, I have borrowed from Meyer (C. Schroder, I. , p. 356), was as fellows:--Male singers: Adamberger (2,133 fl.

30 kr.

), Souter (1,200 fl.

), Dauer (?

), Fischer (1,200 fl.

), Gunther (1,200 fl.

), Schmidt (1,200 fl.

), Ruprecht (700 fl.

), Hoffmann (600 fl.

), Frankenberger (400 fl.

), Saal (800 fl.

).

Female singers: Mdlle.

Cavalieri (1,200 fl.

), Madame Lange (1,706 fl.

20 kr.

), Madame Fischer (1,200 fl.

), Mdlle.

Teyber (800 fl.

), Mdlle.

Haselbeck (600 fl.

), Mdlle.

Brenner (400 fl.

), Madame Saal (800 fl.

),Madame Bernasconi (500 ducats).

The orchestra, under the leadership of Kapellmeister Umlauf, consisted of six first and six second violins, four tenors, three violoncelli, three double-basses, two flutes, two oboes, two clarinets, two bassoons, four horns, two trumpets, and drums.

The total pay amounted to 16,124 florins.

] [Footnote 18: Schmid, Gluck, p. 107. ] [Footnote 19: Mosel, Ant.

Salieri, p. 72. ] [Footnote 20: Cramer, Magazin der Musik, I. , p. 353. Auembrugger was further known to fame as a physician, and his daughters Franziska and Mariane were distinguished pianoforte-players.

] [Footnote 21: In Forkel's Musik.

Alman.

, 1784, p. 189, the question as to why the music of Viennese composers should be liked in North Germany, but the music of North Germany should be disliked in Vienna, is treated of in a contribution for Vienna, showing the two different standpoints.

] [Footnote 22: Nicolai, Reise, IV.

, p. 556. ] [Footnote 23: Allg.

Wiener Musikztg.

, 1821, p. 56. ] [Footnote 24: Müller, Abschied, p. 185. ] [Footnote 25: Forkel, Musik.

Bibl.

, III.

, p. 340. ] [Footnote 26: Cramer, Magazin der Musik, I. , p. 353, where it is erroneously stated that Gluck's "Alceste," "Iphigenia in Tauris," and "Orpheus" were given in Italian.

Cf.

Muller, Abschied, p. 270. A.

M. Z.

, XIV.

, p. 268. The German translation of "Iphigenia" was by Alxinger (Forkel, Musik.

Alman.

, 1783, p. 153. )] [Footnote 27: Reichardt describes his interview with Joseph II.

, in the summer of 1783 (A. M. Z.

, XV.

, p. 667. Schletterer, Reichardt, p. 326): "The Archduke Maximilian led the conversation on Gluck, whom they both considered as a great tragedian: but now and then the Emperor was not so much in favour of Gluck's operas as could have been wished."

] [Footnote 28: Wien Ztg.

,1731, No. 95, Anh.

"Alceste" was repeated on December 13. Ibid.

, No. 100, December 27 (No. 104); "Iphigenia" was played on December 9 (No. 99), and on January 3,1782; "Orpheus" was performed in Italian.

, Ibid.

, 1782, No. 2. ] [Footnote 29: A. M. Z.

, XV.

, p. 668. Schletterer, Reichardt, I. , p. 327. ] [Footnote 30: Mosel, Salieri, p. 22. ] [Footnote 31: Ludwig Berger's narrative was taken from the lips of his teacher in 1806, and is identical with Mozart s own account (Cäcilia, X. , p. 238;

A.

M. Z.

, XXXI.

, p. 467).

Other accounts differ somewhat, as usual in such cases.

] [Footnote 32: Clementi thought it advisable on the republication of this sonata to assert his prior claims, as follows: "Cette sonate, avec la toccata qui la suit, a été jouée par l'auteur devant Sa M. J.

Joseph II.

, en 1781, Mozart étant présent."

There can be no doubt that Mozart was conscious of the reminiscence.

] [Footnote 33: Bridi's account says that the Emperor had laid a wager with the Grand Duchess that Mozart would surpass Clementi, and won it.

] [Footnote 34: Paesiello composed sonatas and capricci for the Grand Duchess.

] [Footnote 35: Dittersdorf, Selbstbiogr.

, p. 236. ] [Footnote 36: This criticism belongs to the toccata rather than to the sonata; it is marked _prestissimo_, and is a brilliant study of passages in thirds and fourths.