Life of Mozart Volume 2 — CHAPTER XXVIII. MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS Part 2

Mozart's comparative failure in his attempt to insert songs in Anfossi's "Curioso Indiscreto" did not prevent his coming forward as soon as another opportunity of the same kind offered itself.

On November 28, 1785, Bianchi's "Villanella Rapita" was produced for the first time, and Mozart was induced to give the opera the support of some ensemble movements of his composition.

[35] The beautiful Celestine Coltellini (second daughter of the poet Coltellini, who had written the libretto of Mozart's first opera) was engaged in 1783 by the Emperor Joseph II.

himself at Naples, where she had been singing with great success since 1779. [36] She first appeared on April 6, 1785, in Cimarosa's "Conta-dina di Spirito,"[37] and took the place of Mdlle.

Storace (who had temporarily lost her voice)[38] in the first performance of Storace's opera, "Gli Sposi Malcontenti," on June 1,1785. [39] Her voice was not first-rate, and her compass only moderate, but she had been thoroughly well trained, sang with ravishing expression, and fascinated her audience by her acting, especially in comic parts.

[40]These qualities were made {MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.

} (332) prominent in Mozart's charming terzet and quartet; her part is that of a peasant-girl, simple even to silliness, who receives presents from a Count, without being in the least aware of his intentions, nor of the rage and jealousy of her betrothed and her father.

In the terzet (450 K.

--(Probably 480 K. DW)) "Mandina amabile" (composed November 21, 1785), the delight with which she accepts the money, and, at the request of the Count, gives him her hand with the words, "Ecco servitevi!"

is not given with any particular refinement by the poet; but Mozart has thrown so much grace and roguery into the action that it becomes an excellent point for a clever actress.

The opening has a certain resemblance to the duet between Don Giovanni and Zerlina, although the latter stands several degrees higher, in accordance with the different characters of the personages; a comparison of the two pieces affords a proof of Mozart's skill in basing his characterisation on the conditions of the dramatic situation.

Even when the lover interferes with jealous violence, and the Count seeks to excuse himself with as good a grace as possible, she fails to perceive what is passing before her; and Mozart does not neglect the opportunity of combining these opposing elements into a well-proportioned animated whole.

The effect is excellent when the key, after the duet has pursued its rollicking course in A major and the nearly related keys, passes into A minor, and then with rapid transition into C major; even when it has reverted into A major the minor key constantly recurs in discords suggestive of jealousy.

The quartet (479 K. ) "Dite almeno, in che mancai" (composed November 15, 1785), has a less strongly marked situation.

Mandina confronts her indignant lover and father with innocent simplicity; when the Count enters, a violent altercation arises between the men, of which she cannot understand the cause, but, anxious at any sacrifice to restore peace, she begs with really touching earnestness for pity and forgiveness.

Her calmness, in opposition to the voluble excitement of the men, gives the movement its distinguishing character, which it was the task of the performer to throw into relief; her part, especially in the tender and beseeching passages, is full of feeling and charm.

As to {MUSIC FOR THE "VILLANELLA RAPITA," 1785.

} (333) the other parts, the ever-increasing tumult of an animated dispute is represented with very simple, well-calculated expedients in a manner which is thoroughly Italian; a striking instance of this is the joining in of the orchestra when the wrangling is at its height, with the preservation of all the delicate comic effects.

The masterly treatment of the orchestra, both in detail and in effects of grouping, would alone suffice to raise these two pieces far above similar movements of the then commonly received opera buffa type.

More excellent even than the brilliant and characteristic sound effects is the independent and copious construction of the instrumental parts, which nevertheless are kept within their proper provinces as foils to the voices.

Of the voice parts it need scarcely be said that they are delicately and characteristically treated, and move freely and with animation side by side, producing at the same time an effective whole.

There is no bravura, and the treatment of the voices indicates moderate capabilities on the part of the singers.

Coltellini's part never goes above--[See Page Image] rarely so high, and calls for no great amount of execution.

Among the male singers Mandini was by far the most important; the part of Almaviva was afterwards written for him, and the passionate expressions of the lover Pippo in the terzet remind us of that part.

The tenor Calvesi (Count) and the second bass Bussani (Biaggio) were of less account.

These ensemble pieces were the mature and graceful products of Mozart's fully developed genius, and nothing but their simplicity of design and construction points them out as pieces inserted in an opera, and dependent upon it for their peculiar character.

We can well believe that Mozart composed songs to please the singers, male and female, who appeared in his operas.

He was not only ready to write additional pieces for them in his own operas, but frequently offered songs as an acknowledgment to the performers who sang for him.

Louise Villeneuve appeared on June 27, 1789, as a new performer {MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.

} (334) in Martin's "Arbore di Diana," and was received with well-deserved and genuine applause on account of her pleasing appearance, her expressive acting, and her artistically beautiful singing.

[41] When she was about to appear as Dorabella in "Cosi fan tutte," in August, 1789, Mozart wrote for her an aria to Cimarosa's opera, "I Due Baroni" (578 K. ), "Alma grande e nobil cuore," of forcible expression without making any great demands on the voice.

[42] More original, although not very deep, are the two songs composed for the same singer in October, 1789, for insertion in Martin's "Burbero di Buon Cuore."

The first (582 K. ), "Chi sa, chi sa quai sia," is a single andante movement very moderate in tone.

The second (583 K. ), "Vado, ma dove," begins with a short, passionate allegro, with which is connected an andante simple in design and construction, but with a wonderfully beautiful and expressive cantilene, the effect of which is much heightened by the splendid instrumentation.

A bass song, composed for Signor Franc.

Albertarelli in Anfossi's "Le Gelosie Fortunate" (May,1788), was occasioned by the singer's connection with the performance of "Don Giovanni."

It is a cheerful, thoroughly buffo aria, and the principal melody--[See Page Image] has been employed again by Mozart, with a slight but expressive alteration, in the first movement of the C major 1 symphony, the only instance of the kind known to me.

Similar demands were made upon Mozart's generosity when he came into connection with Schikaneder's theatre.

He composed (March 8,1791) for the bass singer, Gerl, who sang Sarastro in the "Zauberflote," an aria (612 K. ), "Per questa bella mano," with an obbligato double-bass accompaniment, {OCCASIONAL COMPOSITIONS, 1788.

} (335) which was played by Pischlberger with extraordinary execution.

The combination reminds us of other similar Schikaneder-like effects, and the interest of the song depends mainly on the executive powers of the double-bass player, which are nevertheless confined within narrow limits.

The limitation has in some degree influenced the treatment of the voice part, and this pleasing and, for a powerful bass voice, effective song can only be regarded as a curious occasional piece.

Another occasional composition is Gleim's German war song, "Ich möchte wohl der Kaiser sein"[43] (539 K. ), composed March 5, 1788, for performance by the favourite comedian, Friedrich Baumann, jun.

, at a concert in the Leopoldstädter Theatre on March 7, with special reference, no doubt, to the Turkish war which had just broken out.

[44] This accounts for the running accompaniment of Turkish music to an otherwise simple and popular song.

[45] To sum up: it would appear that during Mozart's residence in Vienna, from 1781 to 1791, he completed five ensemble movements of different kinds, besides at least thirty separate songs for various occasions,[46] among which there is not one which does not possess artistic interest, and a great number which may be placed in the first rank of works of the sort.

His genius was at the service of others besides vocalists.

We have already seen that he wrote a pianoforte concerto for the blind performer Mdlle.

Paradies (Vol. II.

, p. 288).

An artist similarly afflicted from early youth was Marianne Kirchgassner (b. 1770), who had attained extraordinary proficiency on the harmonica under Schmittbauer's instruction.

[47] When, in the course of a grand professional tour, she came to Vienna (May, 1791) she excited Mozart's interest so greatly {MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.

} (336) by her playing, that he composed a quintet for her, which she frequently afterwards performed with great success.

[48] The combination of instruments--flute, oboe, tenor, and violoncello, with the harmonica--produces an originality of sound effect which is seriously impaired when, as usually happens, the piano is substituted for the harmonica.

The latter instrument is limited in compass, having no bass notes,[49] and requires for its due effect a melodious and expressive style of execution.

Mozart has given the adagio a sentimental, love-sick tone, which is sometimes a good deal overdrawn, but the second movement is cheerful and pleasing, and, without forming too strong a contrast, it leads to a sound and agreeable conclusion.

With just discrimination he has given the piece a very well-defined and firmly constructed form, relying for original effect on the tone-colouring and harmonic transitions, which are often extremely bold.

Mozart gave his support to another young artist, who had no such claim to pity as the two just mentioned.

Regina Strinasacchi, of Ostiglia (1764-1839), was a pretty, amiable girl, and an accomplished violin-player, who came to Vienna in 1784. Mozart extols her taste and feeling to his father, who confirmed the praise when Strinasacchi appeared at Salzburg in December, 1785: "Every note is played with expression, even in symphonies, and I have never heard a more moving adagio than hers; her whole heart and soul is in the melody which she delivers, and her power and beauty of tone are equally remarkable.

[50] I believe, as a rule, that a woman of genius plays with more expression than a man."

{REGINA STRINASACCHI--LEUTGEB.

} (337) "I am just writing," continues Wolfgang, "a sonata (454 K. )[51] which we shall play together at her concert on Thursday" (April 24, 1784).

But the sonata was not ready in time, and Strinasacchi with difficulty extorted her own part from Mozart the evening before the concert, and practised it without him on the following morning; they only met at the concert.

Both played excellently, and the sonata was much applauded.

[52] The Emperor Joseph, who was present, thought he could distinguish through his glass that Mozart had no music before him; he had him summoned and requested him to bring the sonata.

It was blank music paper divided into bars, Mozart having had no time to write out the clavier part, which he thus played from memory, without even having heard the sonata.

[53] Mozart found an old Salzburg acquaintance at Vienna in the person of the horn-player Joseph Leutgeb.

He had settled in Vienna, as Leopold Mozart writes (December 1, 1777), and bought a "snail-shell of a house" in one of the suburbs, upon credit; here he set up business as a cheesemonger, from the profits of which he promised to repay a loan, which, however, was still owing when Wolfgang came to Vienna; he begs his father's indulgence for Leutgeb, who was then wretchedly poor (May 8, 1782).

He was a capital solo-player on the French horn,[54] but was wanting in higher cultivation.

Mozart was always ready to help him, but he frequently made him the butt of his exuberant sprits.

Whenever he composed a solo for him, Leutgeb was obliged to submit to some mock penance.

Once, for instance, Mozart threw all the parts of his concertos and symphonies about the room, and Leutgeb had to collect them on all fours and put them in order; as long as this lasted Mozart sat at his {MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.

} (338) writing-table composing.

Another time, Leutgeb had to kneel down behind the stove while Mozart wrote.

[55] The manuscripts themselves bear traces of good-humoured banter.

One (417 K. ) has the superscription: "Wolfgang Amadé Mozart takes pity on Leutgeb, ass, ox, and simpleton, at Vienna, March 27, 1783"; another (495 K. ) is written alternately with black, red, blue, and green ink.

While he is writing down a rondo he amusingly imagines the player before him, and keeps up a running commentary on the supposed performance.

The tempo, too, is jokingly indicated as adagio for the horn part, while the accompaniment is allegro; Leutgeb's inclination to drag is alluded to in the remark at the close of the ritornello: "A lei Signor Asino"--in the ejaculations on the theme: "Animo--presto--sù via--da bravo--coraggio--e finisci giä" (at the conclusion).

He goes on the same strain: "Bestia--oh che stonatura--chi--oimè (at a repeatedly recurring F sharp)--bravo poveretto!

--Oh seccatura di coglioni!

(when the subject recurs)--ah che mi fai ridere!

--ajuto (at a repeated E flat)--respira un poco!

(at a pause)--avanti, avanti!

--questo poi va al meglio (when the theme reappears)--e non finisci nemmeno?

--ah porco infame!

Oh come sei grazioso!

--Carino!

Asinino!

hahaha--respira!

--Ma intoni almeno una, cazzo!

(at a repeated C sharp)--bravo, ewiva!

--e vieni ä seccarmi per la quarta, e Dio sia benedetto per l' ultima volta (at the fourth repetition of the theme)--ah termina, ti prego!

ah maledetto --anche bravura?

(at a short run) bravo--ah!

trillo di pecore (at a shake)--finisci?

grazie al ciel!

--basta, basta!"

Leutgeb was quite willing to submit to his friend's banter as the price of four concertos (412, 417, 447, 495, cf.

also 514 K. ).

They are rapidly put together and easy of execution, without any great originality.

Their brevity enables the instrument to preserve its true character as one unsuited for display of execution; in the last movement, which is the regulation rondo in 6-8 time, the original nature of the horn as a hunting instrument is made apparent, which at that {CLARINET CONCERTO, 1791.

} (339) time, when hunting music was thought more of than at present, was no doubt found very entertaining.

In other respects, the customary concerto form is preserved.

The first movement is an allegro in sonata form, kept within narrow limits, the second is a simple romanza, followed by the rondo.

The accompaniment is simple, to allow due prominence to the horn as the solo instrument, but Mozart seldom refrains from adding touches of life and character to the whole by means of a freer movement in the accompaniment.

The quintet for the horn, violin, two tenors, and bass (407 K.

), was also written for Leutgeb, who possessed the autograph.

[56] The horn part is throughout concertante, the stringed instruments serve only as accompaniment, but are very independent and characteristic, so that the whole has some approach to the quartet style.

The piece is altogether more important and finer than the concertos.

Far more important both as to compass and substance is the concerto for clarinet in A major (622 K. ), which Mozart wrote or adapted for Stadler, towards the close of his life (between September 28 and November 15, 1791).

There exist six pages of a draft score of the first movement, composed much earlier for the basset-horn, in G major, and available for the clarinet with a few alterations in the deeper notes.

It has not been ascertained whether this concerto was ever finished, but it is scarcely probable.

It was to be expected that Mozart, who was the first to do justice to the capabilities of the clarinet as a solo instrument, would deal with it with peculiar partiality; the more so, as he had so distinguished a performer to work for.

[57] The brilliant qualities of this splendid instrument are in point of fact thrown into the strongest relief.

The contrasts of tone-colouring are made use of in every sort of way, especially in the low notes, here much employed in the accompaniment passages, whose wonderful effect Mozart was, as far as I know, the first to discover.

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.

} (340) The capacity of the clarinet for melodious expression, tunefulness, and brilliant fluency, and for the union of force with melting tenderness, is skilfully taken into account; and as Mozart invariably brings the external into harmony with the internal, we find in this work that the grander and broader forms and the greater execution are the natural outcome of brilliant and original ideas.

It is not too much to say that this concerto is the basis of modern clarinet-playing.

Mozart composed on September 29, 1789, for the same fickle friend, the "Stadlersquintett" for clarinet and strings (582 K. ), which was first performed at the concert for the Musicians' Charitable Fund on December 22, 1789. The distinct and frequently overpowering effect of the clarinet, in conjunction with stringed instruments, would necessitate its treatment as a solo instrument; and Mozart's loving efforts to display to the full its singular beauties and rich powers serve to isolate it still more completely.

Although he avoids with equal taste and skill the danger of treating the stringed instruments as mere accompaniment, or of emphasising the clarinet unduly, and combines them to a whole often with touches of surprising delicacy, yet the heterogeneous elements are not so completely incorporated as are the stringed instruments when they are alone.

The whole mechanism is therefore loose and easy, the subjects are more graceful than important, and their development less serious and profound than usual.

This quintet therefore, cast as it is in the most beautiful forms, and possessed of the most charming sound effects--fully justifying the praise bestowed upon it by Ambros ("Limits of Music and Poetry") in Goethe's words, "its whole being floats in sensuous wealth and sweetness"--yet falls below the high level of the stringed quintets.

The Andante in A major to a violin concerto, dated in the Thematic Catalogue April 1, 1785 (470 K. ), must certainly have been written for a virtuoso; perhaps for Janiewicz, who was then in Vienna.

Mozart sometimes bestowed improvised compositions in the form of alms.

One day a beggar accosted him in the {MOZART'S CRITICISM ON FELLOW-ARTISTS.

} (341) street and claimed a distant relationship with him.

Mozart, having no money, went into the nearest coffee-house, wrote a minuet and trio, and sent the beggar with it to his publisher, who paid him what it was considered worth.

[58] His ever-ready good-nature must have made Mozart a great favourite among his fellow-artists, and yet he had only too often to complain of the ingratitude to which his very good-nature subjected him.

Between him and the majority of Italian opera-singers there existed, nevertheless, an innate antagonism; they complained of his compositions as being far too difficult and not telling enough.

There can be no doubt that he made many concessions to display of execution, but these were not considered extensive enough at the time, and Mozart, scorning so cheap and easy a way of gaining the applause of the public, sought to attain his end by other and better means.

[59] It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that the Italians in Vienna for the most part objected to singing in Mozart's operas, the more so as their disinclination was fostered by outsiders;

Mozart, on his part, disliked the then prevalent style of singing: "They rush at it, and shake and make flourishes," he said, "because they have not studied, and cannot sustain a note."

[60] He was fond of mocking in his sarcastic style at this kind of composition and performance, and used to imitate off-hand at the piano grand operatic scenas in the style of well-known masters, with the most telling effect.

[61] Such exhibitions would not tend to increase the number of his friends.

Mozart was "cutting" (_schlimm_), as we know, and took no pains to restrain his jesting moods, which were doubtless often taken in far worse part than they were meant.

But he also pronounced many a sharp censure in earnest upon artists who felt the more bitter as his own {MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.

} (342) superiority made itself incontestably felt.

[62] Soon after his settlement in Vienna his father was informed that his boasting and criticisms were making him enemies among musicians and others, but this accusation Wolfgang indignantly repelled (July 31, 1782).

Nevertheless, we find him writing not long afterwards (December 23, 1782): "I should like to write a book--a short musical criticism with examples; but of course not in my own name."

There was a rage at Vienna for the discussion and criticism of all imaginable subjects by means of pamphlets and brochures.

[63] That which tempted Mozart to take pen in hand was the downfall of German opera, which was a serious blow to him.

He was conscious of what he as a German might have accomplished for German art, and it pained him to see the universal preference for Italian art and artists.

From early youth he had been aware of the unworthy devices often employed in Italian music, and his aversion to "all Italians" continually betrays itself, but very seldom to the extent of making him unjust towards individual persons or performances.

His healthy judgment and inexhaustible flow of human kindness preserved him from this danger.

Jos.

Frank relates[64] that, finding Mozart continually engaged on the study of French opera scores, he once asked him if he would not do better to devote himself to Italian music, which was then the fashion of the day in Vienna.

Mozart answered: "As regards the melodies, yes; but as regards the dramatic effects, no; besides which, the scores that you {CRITICISM ON FELLOW-ARTISTS.

} (343) see here are by Gluck, Piccinni, Salieri, and, with the exception of those by Grétry, have nothing French in them but the words."

[65] This was true, and we may allow that Mozart did not require to learn melody from the Italians.

His judgments of various composers might offend at the time, but we are now ready to endorse them as not only striking but fair.

We have already learnt his opinion of Righini (Vol. II.

, p. 251).

Of Martin, the universal favourite, he said: "Much in his works is really very pretty, but ten years hence he will be quite forgotten."

[66] How ready he was to acknowledge merit in any performance "which had something in it" is plainly shown in a letter to his father (April 24,1784):-- Some quartets have just appeared by a man named Pleyel; he is a pupil of Jos.

Haydn.

If you do not already know them, try to get them, it is worth your while.

They are very well and pleasantly written, and give evidence of his master.

Well and happy will it be for music if Pleyel is ready in due time to take Haydn's place for us.

This was just at the time when he was busy with his own quartets, where he showed how one master learns from another.

When he found nothing original in any work he put it aside with the words, "Nothing in it," or vented his mocking humour on it.

Rochlitz relates that once at Doles, he made them sing the Mass of a composer "who had evident talent for comic opera, but was out of place as a composer of sacred music," parodying the words in a very entertaining manner.

[67] The description which Mozart gives to his father of the celebrated oboist, J. Chr.

Fischer (1733-1800), is characteristic of his sharp and involuntarily comic criticism.

Fischer had come to Vienna from London, where he enjoyed an extraordinary reputation (April 4, 1787):[68]-- {MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.

} (344) If the oboist Fischer did not play better when we heard him in Holland (1766) than he plays now, he certainly does not deserve the reputation which he has.

But, between ourselves, I was then at an age incapable of forming a judgment.

I can only remember that he pleased me, as he pleased all the world.

It would be quite reasonable to contend that taste has altered since then to a remarkable degree, and that he plays after the old school--but no!

he plays, in fact, like a miserable learner; young André, who used to learn from Fiala, plays a thousand times better.

And then his concertos of his own composition!

Every ritornello lasts a quarter of an hour--then enter the hero--lifts up one leaden foot after another, and plumps them down on the ground alternately.

His tone is all through his nose, and his tenuto is like the tremulant stop on the organ.

Could you have supposed all this?

and yet it is nothing but the truth, the real truth, which I tell you.

Mozart's amiability and good-nature prevailed in his personal intercourse with fellow-artists, even where reserve or irritated feeling would have been excusable.

When the Italian Opera was reopened, from which Mozart had been purposely excluded, he did not withdraw his friendship from the composers, whom he might justifiably have considered as interlopers.

When Paesiello came to Vienna from St. Petersburg in 1784 he was treated with a distinction never bestowed upon German masters.

His "Barbiere di Seviglia" was at once put upon the stage, and the Emperor lost no time in commissioning him to compose an opera, for which Casti, as the most distinguished comic poet, was to provide the libretto.

The opera was "Il Re Teodoro," for which Joseph himself suggested the subject as a satire, it was said, on the visit of Gustavus III.

of Sweden to Venice in the year 1783. [69] Such active participation from the Emperor assured the maestro a brilliant position, both pecuniary and social, during his stay in Vienna.

Mozart, whose judgment of Paesiello's light music was very favourable,[70] made friendly advances towards him.

Kelly was present at their introduction, and testifies to their mutual courtesy and esteem;[71] and we have already seen {INTERCOURSE WITH FELLOW-ARTISTS.

} (345) (Vol. II.

, p. 279) how pleased Mozart was to have his compositions performed before Paesiello by a talented pupil.

Paesiello, on his part, begged for the score of "Idomeneo" for his own study.

[72] Mozart was equally complaisant to Sarti, who was in Vienna at the same time, on his way to St. Petersburg.

"If Maestro Sarti had not been obliged to set out to-day for Russia," he writes to his father (June 9, 1784), "he would have gone out with me.

Sarti is a straightforward, honest man.

I have played a great deal to him, ending with variations on one of his airs (460 K.

),[73] which gave him great pleasure."

The "honest" man afterwards wrote a most malicious criticism on some passages in Mozart's quartets, concerning which, indignant that "barbarians, without any sense of hearing should presume to think they can compose music," he exclaims, "Can more be done to put performers out of tune?"

("Si puö far di più per far stonar i professori?"

).

He points out error after error "which could only be made by a clavier-player, who can see no difference between D sharp and E flat"; and concludes with a flourish, "This is, in the words of the immortal Rousseau, 'De la musique pour faire boucher ses oreilles!'

"[74] A charming instance of Mozart's benevolence towards younger artists is supplied by Gyrowetz.

He relates in his autobiography, how he was introduced to the most distinguished artists of Vienna, at some grand soirée:-- Mozart appeared to be the most good-natured of them all.

He observed the youthful Gyrowetz with an expression of sympathy which seemed to say: "Poor young fellow, you have just embarked on the ocean of the great world, and you are anxiously looking forward to what fate may have in store for you."

Encouraged by so much affability and sympathy the young artist entreated the master to cast a glance over his compositions, which consisted of six symphonies, and to give his {MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.

} (346) opinion of them.

With true benevolence, Mozart granted the petition, went through the works, commended them, and promised the young artist to have one of his symphonies performed at his concert in the hall at the Mehlgrube, where Mozart gave subscription concerts during that year (1785).

This took place on a Thursday.

The symphony was performed with great applause.

Mozart, with his native courtesy and kindness, took the young composer by the hand, and introduced him to the public as the author of the symphonies.

Beethoven made his appearance in Vienna as a youthful musician of promise in the spring of 1787, but was only able to remain there a short time;[75] he was introduced to Mozart, and played to him at his request.

Mozart, considering the piece he performed to be a studied show-piece, was somewhat cold in his expressions of admiration.

Beethoven remarking this, begged for a theme for improvisation, and, inspired by the presence of the master he reverenced so highly, played in such a manner as gradually to engross Mozart's whole attention; turning quietly to the bystanders, he said emphatically, "Mark that young man; he will make himself a name in the world!"

[76] Mozart does not appear to have become intimately acquainted with Dittersdorf, who at that time was paying only passing visits to Vienna;

but his way of mentioning Mozart shows appreciation and esteem.

The same may be said of Gluck, who, as we have seen, showed himself on several occasions well disposed towards Mozart (Vol. II.

, pp. 212, 285); but the difference of their natures--perhaps also Salieri's close connection with Gluck--prevented anything like intimacy between them.

That, notwithstanding so much goodwill, Mozart should {KOZELÜCH.

} (347) have met with envious critics and detractors[77] among the artists of Vienna is scarcely to be wondered at.

We have already noticed one of his most determined opponents, Kreibich (Vol. II.

, p. 203); another, equally implacable, was Leopold Kozeluch, a pianist of some brilliancy, and a fashionable teacher, especially after he gave lessons at court; he had a passing reputation, too, as a composer, but vanity and stupidity were his chief claims to distinction.

He was fond of magnifying his own merits by paltry criticism of his fellow-artists, especially of Haydn.

Once, when a new quartet of Haydn's was being performed in a large company, Kozeluch, standing by Mozart, found fault, first with one thing and then with another, exclaiming at length, with impudent assurance, "I should never have done it in that way!"

"Nor should I," answered Mozart;

"but do you know why?

Because neither you nor I would have had so good an idea."

[78] Henceforth Kozeluch became Mozart's avowed and determined opponent; and what better revenge could be taken by the man "who never praised any one but himself," than to pronounce the overture to "Don Giovanni" "good, but full of faults";[79] and to exclaim condescendingly, after hearing the full rehearsal of the overture to the "Zauberflöte," "Ah, our good friend Mozart is trying to be learned this time!

,,[80] When they were both at Prague, at the coronation of Leopold, Kozeluch expressed his enmity to Mozart so obtrusively, that he forfeited a great share of the interest "with which hitherto every Bohemian had been proud to own him as a fellow-countryman."

[81] {MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.

} (348) The most charming instance of Mozart's reverence and love for Joseph Haydn is the dedicatory epistle wherein he offers him his six quartets as the fruit of long and painful study inspired by his example, as a father intrusts his children to a tried and valued friend, confident of his protection and indulgence towards them.

These expressions of reverence came from the very depths of Mozart's heart: to a friend who made some remark on the dedication he answered: "It was due from me, for it was from Haydn that I learned how quartets should be written."

[82] "It was quite affecting," says Niemetschek" (p. 94) "to hear him speak of the two Haydns or any other of the great masters; one would have imagined him to be one of their enthusiastic pupils rather than the all-powerful Mozart."

The Haydn so honoured of Mozart was not by any means the "Father Haydn" of a later time, reverenced and loved by all.

It was not until after his residence in London that Haydn met with general admiration and veneration in the Austrian capital; in earlier years the opposition to his originality was nowhere stronger than in Vienna.

His very position in the service of Prince Esterhazy, and his residence in Hungary, prejudiced the musicians of the capital against him.

The music-loving public enjoyed his fresh and jovial creations with unrestrained delight, but the artists and connoisseurs took grave exception to them.

Humour in music was as yet unrecognised, and the dispute as to whether and in what degree it could be justified had just begun; the freedom, well considered as it was, with which Haydn treated traditional rules, was looked upon as a grave fault.

At the head of his opponents stood the Emperor Joseph;[83] he would have nothing to say to his playful oddities, and we can scarcely wonder that the royal example was widely followed, and that Haydn had good cause to complain of his critics and enemies.

[84] It required {HAYDN AND MOZART.

} (349) an artist as genial and as incapable of envy as Mozart fully to understand and appreciate him.

And Haydn was equally prompt to discover the greatness of Mozart, and to accord him his full share of admiration and esteem.

We have seen the testimony which he bore of Mozart to his father (Vol. II.

, p. 321); and he lost no opportunity of expressing his conviction of Mozart's artistic greatness.

[85] When it was proposed to produce an opera by Haydn at Prague, together with Mozart's "Figaro" and "Don Giovanni," Haydn wrote to the Commissary Roth:[86]-- You wish an opera buffa from me.

With all my heart, if it will give you any pleasure to possess some of my vocal compositions.

But if it is your intention to place the opera on the stage in Prague I am sorry that I cannot oblige you.

My operas are inseparable from the company for whom I wrote them, and would never produce their calculated effect apart from their native surroundings.

It would be quite another matter if I had the honour of being commissioned to write a new opera for the theatre in question.

Even then, however, it would be a risk to put myself in competition with the great Mozart.

If I could only inspire every lover of music, especially among the great, with feelings as deep, and comprehension as clear as my own, in listening to the inimitable works of Mozart, then surely the nations would contend for the possession of such a jewel within their borders.

Prague must strive to retain the treasure within her grasp--but not without fitting reward.

The want of this too often saddens the life of a great genius, and offers small encouragement for further efforts in future times.

I feel indignant that Mozart has not yet been engaged at any imperial or royal court.

Pardon my wandering from the subject--Mozart is a man very dear to me.

This letter was written in December, 1787, and the news of Mozart's appointment as Imperial private composer had not yet reached Haydn in Esterhaz; the uncertain position of his friend evidently affected him greatly.

In the year following, when controversy was rife in Vienna on the subject of "Don Giovanni," Haydn found himself one evening in the midst of a company discussing the faults of omission {MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.

} (350) and commission of the new opera; at last he was asked for his opinion.

"I cannot decide the questions in dispute," said he; "but this I know, that Mozart is the greatest composer in the world."

[87] It must not be imagined that because Haydn set so high a value on Mozart's operatic compositions, he had by any means a small opinion of his own.

Forgotten as they now are, he himself was not inclined to rank them below the performances of the majority of his contemporaries.

He writes to Artaria (May 27, 1781):-- Mons.

Le Gros, directeur of the Concert spirituel, writes me many compliments on my "Stabat Mater," which has been performed four times with great success.

The management were surprised at this revelation of my powers as a vocal composer; but they had had no previous opportunity of judging of them.

If they would only hear my operetta "L'Isola Disabitata," and my last opera "La Fedeltä Premiata"!

I assure you, such works have never yet been heard in Paris, and perhaps not in Vienna; but it is my misfortune to live retired in the country.

He says of the "Armida," in March, 1874, that it has been produced with signal success, and is considered his best work.

[88] It is doubly significant, therefore, that Haydn should have acknowledged himself so completely overshadowed by Mozart as an operatic composer.

And not in this branch of their art alone did he accord him superiority; he gave way even where they might justly be considered as rivals, and declared that, if Mozart had written nothing but his violin quartets and the "Requiem," he would have sufficient claim to immortality.

[89] He assured a friend, with tears in his eyes, that he could never forget Mozart's clavier-playing; "It came from the heart!"

[90] To the end of his life he missed no occasion of hearing Mozart's music, and used to assert that he had never heard one of his compositions without learning something from it.

[91] In 1790, when he had returned to his solitude at "Estoras," he writes how {HAYDN AND MOZART.

} (351) the north wind had waked him from a dream of listening to the "Nozze di Figaro."

[92] The personal intercourse between the two was simple and hearty.

Mozart used to call Haydn "Papa," and both Sophie Haibl and Griesinger mention their use of the pronoun _du_ to each other, a habit less frequent in those days than at present between friends of such difference in age.

But while Mozart lived in Vienna, Haydn had his fixed residence at Eisenstadt or Esterhaz, and only came to Vienna for a few months at a time with his princely patron, who was not fond of the capital, and shortened his stay there as far as was practicable; Haydn sometimes obtained leave of absence for a flying visit to Vienna, but the Prince always gave it unwillingly.

[93] It was not until the Kapelle was broken up, on the death of Prince Nicolaus in 1790, that Haydn took up his abode in Vienna; and in December of the same year Salomon persuaded him to undertake the journey to London.

Mozart agreed with others of Haydn's friends in considering this expedition a great risk, and drew his attention to the difficulties he was sure to encounter as an elderly man, unused to the world, amidst a strange people whose language he did not understand.

Haydn replied that he was old, certainly, (he was then fifty-nine), but strong and of good courage, and his language was understood by all the world.

[94] Mozart spent the day of Haydn's departure with him, and as they took leave he was moved to tears and exclaimed: "We are taking our last farewell in this world!"

Haydn himself was deeply moved, thinking of his own death, and sought to console and calm Mozart.

[95] A letter from Haydn to Frau von Gennzinger (October 13, 1791) shows that calumniators sought to sow enmity between the friends in their separation: "My friends write, what I cannot however believe, that Mozart is doing all he can to {SOCIAL INTERCOURSE.

} (352) disparage me.

I forgive him.

Mozart must go to Count von Fries to inquire about the payment."

[96] When the news of Mozart's death reached London, Haydn lamented his loss with bitter tears.

[97] The sight of these two great and noble men extending to each other the hand of brotherhood, and remaining true to the end, untouched by professional envy or intrigue, is as pleasant as it was rare in the Vienna of those days.

Each understood and appreciated the other, each freely acknowledged his indebtedness to the other from a musical point of view, and each, in his own consciousness of power and independence, found the standard for estimating the worth of his brother-artist.

Those who strove to raise the dust of dissension between them are, for the most part, forgotten or relegated to their due position in the background of musical history: Mozart and Haydn stand side by side on the heights, witnessing for ever to the truth that the greatness of a genuinely artistic nature attracts and does not repel its like.

FOOTNOTES OF CHAPER 28

[Footnote 1: At Wolfgang's request he sent the Baroness a couple of Salzburg tongues, which were esteemed a delicacy.

] [Footnote 2: Hamburger Litt.

u. Krit.

Blatter, 1856, No. 72, p. 563. ] [Footnote 3: Unfortunately Wolfgang's letters to his father are only preserved in anything like completeness up to his visit to Salzburg (July, 1783);

after that we have only detached ones.

His sister believed, so Nissen says (Vorr.

, p. XVI.

), that the later letters were destroyed by the father, on account of containing allusions to Freemasonry, which is probable enough.

There is no sort of evidence that Mozart ever actually neglected his father's correspondence; but it was not in his power to continue to keep a journal such as he had been in the habit of writing while travelling, or such as the daughter kept up after her marriage.

] [Footnote 4: The firstborn son, Leopold, "der arme dicke fette and liebe Buberl," as he is called in a letter (December 10, 1783), died in the same year.

] [Footnote 5: On January 19, 1786, L. Mozart wrote to his daughter that the Archbishop had opened a letter of Wolfgang's, but without finding anything in it.

] [Footnote 6: Nissen, p. 476. ] [Footnote 7: A. M. Z.

, I.

, p. 291. Biograph.

Skizze von Mich.

Haydn (Salzburg, 1808), p. 38. ] [Footnote 8: Lipowsky, Bayersch.

Mus.

Lex.