Ireland Under the Tudors, Volume 3 — Chapter 42 The Invincible Armada Part 2

[Sidenote: A devout damsel.

] Slowly and painfully Cuellar made his way to what he calls a monastery, probably the round tower and church of Drumcliff, which is about five miles from the scene of the shipwreck.

He found no living friends in this ancient foundation of St. Columba, but only the bodies of twelve Spaniards, hanged 'by the Lutheran English' to the window gratings inside the church.

An old woman, who was driving her cows away for fear of the soldiers, advised him to go back to the sea, where he was joined by two naked Spaniards.

Miserable as they were, they picked out the corpse of Don Diego from among more than 400, and buried him in a hole dug in the sand, 'with another much-honoured captain, a great friend of mine.'

Two hundred savages came to see what they were doing, and they explained by signs that they were saving their brethren from the wolves and crows, which had already begun their ghastly work.

As they were looking for any chance biscuits which the sea might have cast up four natives proposed to strip Cuellar, who alone had some clothes, but another of higher rank protected him.

While on his way to this friendly partisan's village, he met two armed young men, an Englishman and a Frenchman, and a 'most extremely beautiful' girl of twenty, who prevented the Englishman from killing, but not from stripping, the wretched Spaniard.

A gold chain worth 1,000 reals was found round his neck, and forty-five ducats sewn up in his doublet, being two months' pay received before leaving Corunna.

He protested that he was only a poor soldier, but it was nevertheless proposed to detain him as worth ransom.

Cuellar records, with some complacency, that the girl pitied him much, and begged them to return his clothes and to do him no more harm.

His doublet was restored, but not his shirt, nor a relic of great repute which he had brought from Lisbon, and which 'the savage damsel hung round her neck, saying, by signs, that she meant to keep it, and that she was a Christian, being as much like one as Mahomet was.'

A

boy was ordered to take him to a hut, to put a plaster of herbs on his wound, and to give him milk, butter, and oatmeal cake.

[175] [Sidenote: A visit to O'Rourke.

] [Sidenote: Cuellar is enslaved by a smith;]

[Sidenote: but escapes to MacClancy.

] Cuellar was directed towards the territory of O'Rourke, narrowly escaped a band of English soldiers, was beaten and stripped naked by forty 'Lutheran savages' not easily identified, mistook two naked Spaniards for devils in the dark, joined them, and at last, after enduring almost incredible hardships, reached the friendly chief's house, partly wrapped in straw and fern.

O'Rourke had many houses.

This one may have been Dromahaire, near to the eastern extremity of Lough Gill.

It was a castle, and Cuellar calls it a hut, the probability being that thatched outhouses were generally occupied, and that the stone keep was little used except for defence.

Everyone pitied the stranger, and one man gave him a ragged old blanket full of lice.

Twenty other Spaniards came to the same place, reporting a large ship not far off.

Cuellar was unable to keep up with them, and thus failed to embark on a vessel which was soon afterwards wrecked.

All that escaped the sea were killed by the soldiers.

Cuellar then fell in with a priest, who was dressed in secular habit for fear of the English, and who spoke in Latin.

Following his directions the Spaniard sought the castle of MacClancy, a chief under O'Rourke who held the country south and west of Lough Melvin, and who was a great enemy of Queen Elizabeth.

A savage whom he met enticed him to his cabin in a lonely glen.

The man turned out to be a smith, who set his prisoner to blow the bellows.

This lasted for eight days, and as the old man of the sea refused to let Sindbad go, so did this old man of the mountains declare that Cuellar should stay all his life with him.

The Spaniard worked steadily for fear of being thrown into the fire by this 'wicked, savage smith and his accursed hag of a wife.'

The friendly priest then appeared, and owing to his exertions, four natives and one Spaniard were sent by MacClancy to release Cuellar.

He found ten of his shipwrecked countrymen with MacClancy, and everyone pitied him, especially the women, for he had no covering but straw.

'They fitted me out,' he says, 'as well as they could with one of their country mantles, and during my stay of three months I became as great a savage as they were.'

Cuellar seems to have been susceptible to female influences, for he remarks that his host's wife was extremely beautiful and very kind to him, and he spent a good deal of time in telling her fortune and those of her fair relatives and friends.

This was amusing at first, but when men and less interesting women began to consult him he was forced to apply to his host for protection.

MacClancy would not let him go, but gave general orders that no one should annoy him.

[176] [Sidenote: A wild Irish household.

] An account of an Irish household by a foreigner who had lived among the people for months, and whose sight was not coloured by English prejudice, is so rare a thing that Cuellar's may well be given in full.

[Sidenote: The men.

] [Sidenote: The women.

] [Sidenote: The Irish rob the Spaniards, but save their lives.

] 'The habit of those savages is to live like brutes in the mountains, which are very rugged in the part of Ireland where we were lost.

They dwell in thatched cabins.

The men are well-made, with good features, and as active as deer.

They eat but one meal, and that late at night, oat-cake and butter being their usual food.

They drink sour milk because they have nothing else, for they use no water, though they have the best in the world.

At feasts it is their custom to eat half-cooked meat without bread or salt.

Their dress matches themselves--tight breeches, and short loose jackets of very coarse texture; over all they wear blankets, and their hair comes over their eyes.

They are great walkers and stand much work, and by continually fighting they keep the Queen's English soldiers out of their country, which is nothing but bogs for forty miles either way.

Their great delight is robbing one another, so that no day passes without fighting, for whenever the people of one hamlet know that those of another possess cattle or other goods, they immediately make a night attack and kill each other.

When the English garrisons find out who has lifted the most cattle, they come down on them, and they have but to retire to the mountains with their wives and herds, having no houses or furniture to lose.

They sleep on the ground upon rushes full of water and ice.

Most of the women are very pretty, but badly got up, for they wear only a shift and a mantle, and a great linen cloth on the head, rolled over the brow.

They are great workers and housewives in their way.

These people call themselves Christians, and say Mass.

They follow the rule of the Roman Church, but most of their churches, monasteries, and hermitages are dismantled by the English soldiers, and by their local partisans, who are as bad as themselves.

In short there is no order nor justice in the country, and everyone does that which is right in his own eyes.

The savages are well affected to us Spaniards, because they realise that we are attacking the heretics and are their great enemies.

If it was not for those natives who kept us as if belonging to themselves, not one of our people would have escaped.

We owe them a good turn for that, though they were the first to rob and strip us when we were cast on shore.

From whom and from the three ships which contained so many men of importance, those savages reaped a rich harvest of money and jewels.'

[177] [Sidenote: Wanderings of Cuellar.

] [Sidenote: A narrow escape.

] [Sidenote: A friendly bishop.

] Cuellar helped MacClancy to defend his castle against the Lord Deputy, and the chief was as unwilling to let him go as the smith had been.

He escaped with four other Spaniards, during the first days of the new year, and after three weeks' hardship in the mountains found himself at Dunluce in Antrim, where Alonso de Leyva had been lost.

He was told that his only chance of a passage to Scotland was by some boats belonging to O'Cahan, which were expected to sail soon.

The wound in his leg had broken out afresh, and he was unable to stand for some days.

His companions left him to shift for himself, and after a painful walk to Coleraine he found that the boats had gone.

There was a garrison there, and he had to take shelter in a mountain hut, where some women compassionately nursed him.

In six weeks his wound was well enough to enable him to seek an interview with O'Cahan, but that chief, who was afraid to help any Spaniard, had gone upon a foray with the soldiers.

'I was now,' he says, 'able to show myself in the town, which was of thatched houses, and there were some very pretty girls, with whom I struck up a great friendship and often visited their house to converse.

One afternoon when I was there, two young Englishmen came in, and one of them, who was a sergeant, asked me if I was a Spaniard, and what I did there.

I said yes, and that I was one of Don Alonso de Luzon's soldiers who had surrendered, that my bad leg had prevented me from going with the rest, and that I was at their service to do their bidding.

They said they hoped soon to take me with them to Dublin, where there were many Spaniards of note in prison.

I replied that I could not walk, but was very willing to accompany them.

They then sent for a horse, and their suspicions being set at rest, they began to romp with the girls.

The mother made me signs to leave, which I did very quickly, jumping over ditches and going through thick covert till I came within view of O'Cahan's castle.

At nightfall I followed a road which led me to a great lagoon.'

This was probably Lough Foyle, and here he was befriended by herdsmen, one of whom, after a visit to Coleraine, told him that he had seen the two Englishmen 'raging in search' of him.

He kept his counsel, but advised Cuellar to remove into the mountains.

He was conducted to the hiding-place of a bishop, 'a very good Christian,' who prudently dressed like the country folk.

'I assure you,' writes the devout Spaniard, 'that I could not restrain my tears when I came to kiss his hand.'

It seems almost certain that this was Redmond O'Gallagher, papal bishop of Derry and acting Primate, one of the three Irish prelates who had attended the Council of Trent.

He had twelve other Spaniards with him, and by his help Cuellar managed to reach Scotland.

'He was a reverend and just man,' says the latter; 'may God's hand keep him free from his enemies.'

[Sidenote: Final escape of Cuellar.

] Four shiploads of castaways from the Armada were ultimately despatched from Scotland, and were not molested by the English, to whom they were no longer dangerous; but Cuellar was wrecked once more near Dunkirk, and saw 270 of his companions butchered by the Dutch.

At last, in October 1589, fourteen months after his narrow escape from swinging at the Duke of Medina Sidonia's yard-arm, did this much-enduring man reach Antwerp, which was then in the hands of Alexander Farnese, and from thence he wrote the account which has been so largely used.

[178] [Sidenote: More than twenty ships lost in Ireland] It is not possible to trace the history of every ship lost on the Irish coast.

Bingham, in a letter written when all was over, says twelve ships were wrecked in his province, which included Clare, and that probably two or three more foundered about various islands.

He particularly excluded those lost in Ulster and Munster.

In a paper signed by Secretary Fenton the total number of vessels lost is given as eighteen, but full accounts had not yet come in, and that number certainly falls short of the truth.

Cuellar says that more than twenty were lost in the kingdom of Ireland, with all the chivalry and flower of the Armada.

[179] [Sidenote: Great loss of life.

] [Sidenote: Donegal.

] [Sidenote: Connaught.

] [Sidenote: Munster.

] According to Fenton's account 6,194 men belonging to the eighteen ships whose loss he records, were 'drowned, killed, and taken.'

This does not include those who escaped, nor the men belonging to ships not comprised in his list.

At the end of October the number of Spaniards alive in Donegal alone was not far short of 3,000. About 500 escaped from Ulster to Scotland--'miserable, ragged creatures, utterly spoiled by the Irishry'--and some of their descendants remain there to this day, and preserve the tradition of their origin.

Very few of them reached Spain, and on the whole, we may believe that the number of subjects lost to Philip II.

out of that part of the fleet which was lost in Ireland, cannot have been much short of 10,000. 'In my province,' says Bingham, 'there hath perished at the least 6,000 or 7,000 men, of which there hath been put to the sword by my brother George, and executed one way and another, about 700 or 800, or upwards.

Bingham spared some Dutchmen and boys, as probably engaged against their wills, but these were executed by the Lord Deputy himself when he visited Athlone.

Twenty-four survivors from a wreck were executed at Tralee, but this was done in a panic, and was quite unnecessary.

Munster was indeed too thoroughly subdued to make the presence of a few Spaniards dangerous.

In Ulster the arm of the Government scarcely reached the castaways until they were no longer of much importance.

Even the native Irish did not always spare those who had come to deliver them.

The MacSwineys killed forty at one place in Donegal.

Plunder was no doubt the object, as it had been in Tyrawley and in Clare island, but a desire to curry favour with the Government had also a good deal to say to it.

It was only in those parts of Ulster and Connaught where the power of the chiefs was still unbroken, that the Spaniards received any kind of effectual help.

[180] [Sidenote: Tyrone and O'Donnell.

] [Sidenote: The Spaniards powerless.

] Tyrone did what he could for the Spaniards by sending them provisions, and he bitterly reproved O'Donnell, who with his eldest son had helped the Government against them.

Other O'Donnells joined the strangers, and the chief does not seem to have carried his country with him.

His MacDonnell wife made no secret of her intention to employ the foreigners for her own purposes.

Tyrone himself was careful not to commit any overt act, and indeed professed the utmost loyalty, but he took the opportunity to renew his complaints against Tirlogh Luineach.

Two brothers named Ovington or Hovenden, who were partly in his service and partly in the Queen's, skirmished with the Spaniards wrecked in Innishowen and brought most of them prisoners to Dungannon; but many of their soldiers ran away, and their own good faith was much suspected.

The MacSwineys all helped the Spaniards more or less, and O'Dogherty complained that they transferred them to his country as soon as their own had been eaten up.

With men and boats he had saved many hundreds from a wreck, but this was little more than common humanity demanded.

There were at one time about 3,000 Spaniards alive in Ulster.

O'Rourke had given them arms; MacClancy interrupted the communications;

Ballymote, where George Bingham had a house, was burned by the O'Connors, O'Dowds, and O'Harts, who said they were making way for King Philip, and it was thought that Sligo must inevitably fall into their hands.

Bingham's vigour disconcerted the plans of the confederates, and a good many of the Spaniards made their way to Scotland.

A few continued to lurk in different parts of Ireland, down to 1592 at least, but it is hardly possible to believe, what is so often stated, that they were in numbers sufficient to leave traces upon the features and complexions of the natives.

Spanish blood there may be in Ireland, but it is surely more reasonable to attribute it to the commerce which existed for centuries between a land of fish and a land of wine.

[181] [Sidenote: Wreck in Lough Foyle.

] [Sidenote: Officers ransomed.

] The ship wrecked in O'Dogherty's country was the 'Trinidad Valencera' of Venice.

She had on board about 600 men--Spaniards, Greeks, and Italians; and of these 400, including more than 100 sick, were brought to shore, some of them with arms, but 'without even one biscuit.'

'The natives, who are savages,' had retired into the mountains, but they found some horses at grass, which they killed and ate.

They were attacked by Tyrone's foster-brethren, Richard and Henry Hovenden, who made much of the glorious victory of 140 over 600. The Spaniards said that they had surrendered on promise of their lives and of decent treatment; but that their captors nevertheless stripped them naked and killed a great many, not more than eighty being reserved as prisoners.

Among these was one who seemed to carry 'some kind of majesty.'

This was probably Don Alonso de Luzon, chief of the tercio or brigade of Naples, who was distinguished by a pointed beard and a large moustache.

De Luzon with several other officers was brought to Drogheda, where they were told that those who had plundered them were not Englishmen but sons of the soil.

Don Diego de Luzon and two others died after their arrival, and several had perished on the road.

Don Alonso and Rodrigo de Lasso, who were both knights of Santiago, were sent to London for ransom, as well as Don Luis de Cordova and his nephew, the only prisoners whom Fitzwilliam allowed to live of those which Bingham had saved.

More than fifty others were afterwards sent over, and something like 800_l.

_ appears to have been paid by way of ransom for them all.

[182] [Sidenote: The Irish got the plunder.

] [Sidenote: Small gain to the Queen.

] [Sidenote: Relics and traditions.

] The amount of plunder secured did not at all satisfy expectation.

Much treasure fell into the hands of the Irish, who regarded the wreckage as a godsend.

The small arms and the lighter pieces of artillery were appropriated in the same way.

The larger cannon were not so easily moved, and a few were recovered by Carew and others.

One wedge of gold found its way to the Queen, and there were rumours of various costly articles which had been seized by officers or adventurers.

The guns rescued for her Majesty hardly exceeded a dozen, and a few others were sent into Scotland by the MacDonnells, who also got hold of a good many doubloons.

The relics which have been handed down to us are very few, but the memory of the invincible Armada is preserved by the names which have clung to some points of the Irish coast.

[183] [Sidenote: The Armada a crusade.

] [Sidenote: Irish priests on board.

] [Sidenote: Other Irishmen.

] By a strange reading of history it has lately been attempted to divest the Armada of its religious character.

It is very true that some of Queen Elizabeth's subjects were conspicuous by their loyalty, though they adhered to the communion of Rome: they were Englishmen first and Catholics afterwards.

But it was against heresy and against the queen of heresy that Philip shot his bolt.

One Spanish poem in honour of the Armada begins with an invocation of the Virgin 'conceived without sin,' and ends with some lines about turning the Lutherans into good Christians.

Another poet laments that the wise, powerful, and warlike island of Britain had been changed from a temple of faith into a temple of heresy.

The land which produced the Arthurs, the Edwards, and the Henrys, was now, he says, condemned to eternal infamy for submitting to a spindle instead of the sceptre and sword; and he apostrophises Elizabeth as anything but a virgin queen, but rather as the wolfish offspring of an unchaste mother.

Lope de Vega, who served in the Armada, contents himself with calling Philip the Christian Ulysses, and the Queen of England a false siren; and he avers that faith only despatched the vast fleet from the Spanish shore.

180 Spanish and Portuguese friars sailed in the Armada, Franciscans, Dominicans, Carmelites, Augustinians, and Theatins being all represented; and there were certainly some Irish ecclesiastics.

'Tomas Vitres' is probably Thomas White of Clonmel, who became a Jesuit in 1593. There was also a friar named James ne Dowrough, who originally went to Spain with James Fitzmaurice, and who was cast upon the coast of Donegal, where the people paid him much respect.

Some few Irish laymen there were also on board, of whom the most important was a son of James Fitzmaurice, who died at sea and who was buried with a great ceremonial in Clew Bay.

One or two other Desmond Geraldines are also mentioned.

There were a few who belonged to good families of the Pale, the most important being Baltinglas's brother, Edmund Eustace.

Eustace was reported dead, but he got back to Spain.

Cahil O'Connor, who killed Captain Mackworth, was another, and he also was afterwards alive in Spain.

James Machary, a native of Tipperary, said he was impressed at Lisbon.

On the whole it is clear that there was no thought at all of a descent on Ireland, though some Spaniards taken in Tralee Bay said that on board the Duke of Medina's ship was an Englishman called Don William, a man of a reasonable stature, bald, and very like Sir William Stanley.

But Stanley had not left the Netherlands, and there were other Englishmen in the Spanish fleet.

[184] [Sidenote: Rumours from Spain.

] [Sidenote: A tradition.

] As late as February, 1589, Irish merchants spread flattering reports in Spain.

Alonso de Leyva was alive, they said, and held Athlone against the Lord Deputy with 2,000 men; but an Irish bishop at Corunna said there were no Spaniards in Ireland, and the tellers of both tales were arrested until the truth should be known.

Norris had recommended that Irish auxiliaries should be used in retaliating on the coast of Spain, and when he visited Corunna with Drake they lamented that the advice had not been taken.

'Had we had either horse on land, or some companies of Irish kerne to have pursued them, there had none of them escaped.'

There is a tradition in Munster, and the local historian fixes the date in 1589, that Drake was pursued by Spaniards into Cork harbour, that he took refuge among the woods in the secluded Carrigaline river, and that the foreigners sailed round the harbour and departed without being able to find him.

It is not easy to say when this happened, but the place is called 'Drake's hole' unto this day.

[185] [Sidenote: The last of the Armada.

] The Scotch Government did what it could to get rid of the Spaniards peaceably, but some were not shipped off until July 1589, and even then a remnant was left.

They hung about the Orkneys, taking stray English vessels and even committing some murders on Scottish soil.

In the correspondence to which they gave rise Bothwell's name is frequently mentioned, and they continued to give trouble for some years.

The few who lingered in Ireland could do but little harm, and the years which followed Philip's great enterprise were unusually quiet.

[186] FOOTNOTES:

[163] Carew to Burghley, July 18 and Aug.

2, 1588; to Walsingham, July 18, Aug.

4 and Sept.

18; to Heneage, July 18 and Aug.

4, all in _Carew_.

[164] Examination of Emanuel Fremoso and Emanuel Francisco, Sept.

12, 1588; James Trant, sovereign of Dingle, to Sir Edward Denny, Sept.

11; Bingham to Burghley, Aug.

26; Ormonde to Mr. Comerford, Sept.

18. Recalde's ship was burned by Drake at Corunna in April 1589;

she had then sixty-eight pieces of brass cannon.

See Duro's _Armada Invencible_, ii.

446. 'Cuando torne' were Recalde's words.

[165] Examination of Juan Antonio of Genoa, Sept.

15; Vice-President Norris to Walsingham, Sept.

8 and 9; William Herbert to Fitzwilliam, Feb.

1589; Peter Grant's news under Feb.

28. [166] Nicholas Kahane to the Mayor of Limerick, Sept.

12; George Woodloke to the Mayor of Waterford, Sept.

10; Boetius Clancy, sheriff of Clare, to Bingham, Sept.

6. Mr. James Frost, of Limerick, writes as follows:--'One ship was driven upon the rocks at a place called Spanish Point (_Rinn na Spainig_) near Miltown Malbay....

The tradition is that the other ship was driven ashore at a place called Ballagh-a-line, not far from Lisdoonvarna.

Boetius Clancy of Knockfime, a place one mile distant from the scene, was sheriff of Clare in that year.

He ordered such of the crew as came alive on the shore to be hanged, and they were buried in one pit near the church of Killilagh.

The place of execution has been long since called Knockacroghery (the hangman's hill) and the tumulus of earth heaped over the dead Spaniards is called _Tuaim na Spainig_.

In a few years afterwards, peace being restored between England and Spain, a request was made to the English Government for permission to exhume the body of the son of one of the first grandees of Spain, who had been on board the lost ship, in order to its removal home for burial.

Consent was given, but the body having been placed with the rest in one grave, could not be found.

Clancy was greatly blamed by all parties for his inhumanity.'

[167] Edwarde Whyte to Walsingham, Sept.

30; Ormonde to Comerford, Sept.

18. [168] Edwarde Whyte to Walsingham, with discourse enclosed, Sept.

30;

examination of Don Luis de Cordova, Oct.

1. [169] _Duro_, i. 34, 44, 200, ii.

374, 440, _ib.

_ 66-70 for the names of the noble volunteers, among whom is 'Manuel Paleologo,' with two followers.

--_Froude_, xii.

503. [170] The most circumstantial account of De Leyva's adventures, so far, is the deposition, taken on Dec.

29, of James Machary, a Tipperary man who was on board the 'Santa Ana.'

Other particulars are in the 'discourse' sent by E. Whyte to Walsingham on Sept.

30. See also Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Oct.

27, with the enclosures; _Duro_, i. 171 Gerald Comerford to Bingham, Sept.

13. [171] Bingham to the Queen, Dec.

3; Fitzwilliam, &c. , to the Privy Council, Dec.

31; _Duro_, ii.

65; advertisement by Henry Duke, Oct.

26. [172] Machary's examination, Dec.

29, and that of George Venerey, a Cretan.

_Duro_, ii.

66-70, 364. The gentleman-adventurers who sailed both on the 'Rata' and 'Santa Ana' were doubtless collected on board the 'Gerona.'

Captain Merriman, writing to Fitzwilliam on Oct.

26, says 260 bodies were washed ashore, as well as certain wine, which was appropriated by Sorley Boy MacDonnell.

A small cove close to the Giant's Causeway is still called _Port-na-Spania_.

There is a local tradition that the fallen pillars of basalt on the height were knocked down by the Spanish gunners, who mistook them for Dunluce Castle; but they were not thinking of bombarding castles just then.

[173] Cuellar's narrative in _Duro_, ii.

342; Sir Geoffrey Fenton to Burghley, Oct.

28. The following is from Col. Wood Martin's _History of Sligo_, 1882: 'The largest of the galleons struck on a reef (from that circumstance called _Carrig-na-Spania_, or the Spaniard's Rock) situated off the little island of Derninsh, parish of Ahamlish.

On the map of the Sligo coast (A. D.

1609) is placed opposite to this island the following observation:--"Three Spanish ships here cast away in A. D.

1588." ' The bodies lay on Streedagh strand, and cannon-balls and bones have been cast up there within the last few years.

[174] _Duro_, i. 123, ii.

343-347. [175] _Duro_, ii.

347-350. [176] _Duro_, ii.

350-358. The chief who sheltered Cuellar is called by him Manglana, and in the State Papers MacGlannagh or MacGlannahie.

'The barony of Rossclogher in Leitrim,' says O'Donovan, 'was the territory of the family of Mag-Flannchadha, now anglicised MacClancy.'

--_Irish Topographical Poems_, xxxvii.

268. [177] _Duro_, ii.

358-360. Cuellar calls all the Irish--men and women, chiefs and kerne--by the same name, 'salvajes.'

[178] The work quoted is _La Armada Invencible_, by Captain Cesareo Fernandez Duro of the Spanish navy, Madrid, 1885. For my first acquaintance with this book, which deserves translation, I am indebted to a charming article by Lord Ducie in the _Nineteenth Century_ for September 1885. Neither Captain Duro nor Lord Ducie can explain the words 'D. Reimundo Termi Obispo de Times,' nor can I. The Irish word Termon may have something to do with it, but whatever 'Termi' and 'Times' may mean, 'Reimundo' is good enough Spanish for Redmond.

A

year later Bishop O'Gallagher is mentioned in a State paper as 'Legate to the Pope and custos Armaghnen ...

using all manner of spiritual jurisdiction throughout all Ulster ...

these twenty-six years past and more.'

The Spanish captain's prayer was heard till 1601, when the bishop was killed by the English not far from the place where Cuellar had kissed his hand.

Brady's _Episcopal Succession_, s. v.

_Four Masters_, 1601. Note of Popish bishops, &c. by Miler Magrath, calendared at Dec.

17, 1590. [179] From a careful comparison of accounts I venture to distribute the wrecks as follows:-- 1. To the south of Slea Head ('in Desmond' Fenton says);

1. 'Nuestra Señora della Rosa' (945 tons, 26 guns, and 297 men), between Slea Head and the Blaskets;

1. Deserted and burned near Carrigaholt in Clare;

1. At Dunbeg in Clare;

1. At Trumree in Clare;

1. The 'White Falcon' (500 tons, 16 guns, 197 men), in Connemara;

2. In Clew Bay (of which one was the 'Rata,' 820 tons, 35 guns, 419 men);

1. In Tyrawley;

3. Near Sligo, the 'San Juan de Sicilia,' one of them (800 tons, 26 guns, 342 men);

2. At uncertain places in Connaught;

2. At Killybegs;

1. The transport 'Duquesa Santa Ana' (900 tons, 23 guns, 357 men), at Loughros Bay;

1. In Boylagh, Donegal;

1. The 'Trinidad Valencera' (1,100 tons, 42 guns, 360 men), on the Innishowen side of Lough Foyle;

1. The 'Gerona' galeass (50 guns, 290 men), between Dunluce and the Bann.

This makes twenty, and there were probably two or three more lost.

The 'Barca de Amburg' (600 tons, 23 guns, 264 men) sank off the coast somewhere.

The numbers of men given in this note are from the Spanish official list (_Duro_, ii.

60), but we know that many were transferred from one vessel to another.

See, besides the authorities already cited, Fenton's note calendared at Sept.

19, 1588, and Bingham to the Queen, Dec.

3. Other ships mentioned in Spanish accounts as having been lost in Ireland are the galleon 'San Juan Battista' (750 tons, 24 guns, 243 men); the 'Anunciada' (703 tons, 24 guns, 275 men), and the transports, 'Gran Grifon' (650 tons, 38 guns, 286 men), and 'Santiago' (600 tons, 19 guns, 86 men).

--_Duro_, ii.

328. [180] Note by Fenton, Sept.

19; Bingham to Fitzwilliam, Sept.

21 and Oct.

10; to the Queen, Dec.

3; Norris to Walsingham, Sept.

8 and 9;

advertisements from Henry Duke, Oct.

26; Fitzwilliam, Loftus, and Fenton to the Privy Council, Dec.

31. [181] Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, Oct.

12, with twenty enclosures; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Oct.

27, with six enclosures; Solomon Farenan to Fitzwilliam, Feb.

18, 1589; Bingham to Fitzwilliam, Jan.

3, 1592; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, May 9, 1592. [182] _Duro_, ii.

450 sqq.

; examination of Don Alonso de Luzon, &c. , Oct.

13, 1588; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Dec.

31. Sir Horatio Pallavicino arranged with Walsingham for the ransoms; see his accounts, Dec.