Ireland Under the Tudors, Volume 3 — Chapter 48 Essex in Ireland 1599 Part 2

[Sidenote: Siege of Cahir.

] Essex was now in Munster, and his resolution first to subdue the home province had been thrown to the winds.

Derrinlaur Castle, which annoyed the navigation of the Suir, was surrendered; its indefensibility had been proved in 1574, and the fate of the garrison was doubtless well remembered.

Another castle higher up the river gave more trouble.

Lord Cahir was in the viceregal camp, but his brother James (called Galdie or the Englishman) undertook to defend the family stronghold, and it was necessary to bring up heavy artillery.

The want of foresight which characterised this campaign was conspicuously shown here.

The battering train, 'one cannon and one culverin,' was brought up by water to Clonmel, but no draught horses had been provided, nor were there any means of strengthening the bridges, which might sink under so unusual a weight.

The guns were slowly dragged by men all the way to Cahir, of the strength of which there is an elaborate official account.

The critical Harrington admits that it was not built with any great art, but that nature had made it practically impregnable, which was not true even in those days.

An assault would have been difficult, for the castle was then surrounded by water; but a battery, which completely commanded it, was easily planted near the site of the present railway station.

Lord Cahir called upon his brother to surrender, but was answered by threats and insults.

Two days later the guns came, were placed at once in position, and opened fire in a few hours; but the carriage of the largest 'brake at the second shot,' and took a day and a half to repair.

A ball stuck in the culverin, but that too was cleared in time, and fifty rounds from this light piece was enough to silence the garrison on that side.

An orchard under the south-west wall was occupied the same night, and most of the garrison escaped by the left bank of the river; but two of the English captains were killed.

Before a breach could be effected the White Knight threw in reinforcements, and the besiegers made another lodgment at the north-east end of the island.

The cannonade was renewed at close quarters, and on the night of the third day the garrison made a sally.

The intended assault had been assigned to Sir Charles Percy and Sir Christopher St. Lawrence, with four companies of the Flanders veterans, who repulsed the attack and entered the castle along with the Irish, of whom about eighty were killed.

A few escaped by swimming, and the guns were soon mounted on the deserted walls.

Having repaired damages and placed a garrison of 100 men in the castle, the Lord Lieutenant marched northward along the left bank of the Suir.

He made much of this siege, which was the single thing he had to boast of in Munster, but it was a small matter after all.

A year later James Butler, with sixty men, again got possession of this 'inexpugnable' fortress without firing a shot, but soon surrendered to Carew, whose bare threats were enough to secure his object.

[312] [Sidenote: Death of Sir Thomas Norris.

] [Sidenote: Irish tactics.

] The bridge at Golden was repaired and the army passed to Tipperary, where a letter was received from Sir Thomas Norris, whom Essex had already met at Kilkenny.

The Lord President announced that he had been wounded in a skirmish with the Castleconnel Burkes, but he recovered sufficiently to accompany Essex in part of his Munster campaign.

The wound seems to have been fatal at last, for on August he was dangerously ill, and in September commissioners were appointed to execute duties which had been neglected since his death.

The Lord-Lieutenant himself was well received at Limerick, and entertained with two English orations, 'in which,' says Harrington, 'I know not which was more to be discommended--words, composition, or oratory, all of which having their peculiar excellencies in barbarism, harshness, and rustical, both pronouncing and action.'

After several days' rest the next operation was to revictual Askeaton, and the Sugane Earl showed himself at Adare with 2,000 or 3,000 men.

The bridge was not defended, but the Irish galled the army in passing a boggy wood beyond the Maigue, and the soldiers 'went so coldly on' that Essex had to reproach their baseness.

Harrington describes the enemy as 'rather morrice-dancers tripping after their bag-pipes' than soldiers, and declares that in all Munster they never once strayed from the edge of their woods 'further than an old hunted hare doth from her covert for relief.'

Some fighting there was, and the official account makes much of the Irish losses and little of the Lord-Lieutenant's; but Harrington says that Plunkett, an insurgent captain who was supposed to have shown slackness, had next day to give Desmond hostages for his good behaviour.

As Essex passed through each hedge, the thorns closed behind him, and left the state of Munster unaltered.

[313] [Sidenote: End of Munster campaign.

] [Sidenote: Death of Sir Henry Norris.

] Askeaton was easily victualled by water from Limerick, and Essex turned aside to Conna near Lismore, where Desmond had his chief residence.

The move was thought a strange one, and Harrington could only conjecture that he wished to 'give the rebels an inexcusable provocation,' but O'Sullivan, much less ingeniously, says that he did not dare to proceed further westward.

At Finniterstown the army had to pass between two woods, and had a sharp fight with Desmond, who had been joined by Lord Fitzmaurice and some of the MacCarthies.

Captain Jennings was killed, Sir Henry Norris had his leg broken by a bullet, and a third officer was shot through both cheeks.

Norris 'endured amputation with extraordinary patience,' but died a few weeks afterwards, making the third of these famous six brothers who had fallen a victim to the Irish service.

After an interval, which was allowed to elapse for fear of causing fresh sorrow, the Queen wrote to condole with Lord and Lady Norris on the 'bitter accident' which had deprived them of two more sons, and the survivor was ordered home from Holland to comfort them.

The army then marched by Croom to Bruff, whence Essex went with Ormonde, Blount, St. Leger, and Carew to consult the Lord President at Kilmallock.

They agreed that there was no money, no magazine, no remnant of any kind of victual of her Majesty's stores, cows enough for only two days, and hardly ammunition for three.

On Norris promising to procure some beeves out of Lord Barry's country and to send them to Conna the advance was resumed, the line of march being over the Ballyhoura hills to Glanworth and Fermoy.

Essex himself went to Mallow, detached a party to Cork for the promised supplies, and then rejoined the army with Cormac MacDermot MacCarthy, who brought 100 cows and 200 kerne.

There was some fighting, and Sir Henry Danvers was wounded between Fermoy and Conna; but the latter castle was dismantled.

Lord Barry brought the convoy safely to Castle Lyons, and the Blackwater was passed at Affane, a ford which was only practicable for one hour at low water.

The President returned from the neighbourhood of Dungarvan with 1,000 men, with which he expected to be able to maintain the war in his province, and Essex marched without fighting through Lord Power's country to Waterford.

[314] [Sidenote: Defeat of Harrington in Wicklow.

] In pursuance of his original intention to settle Leinster before going further afield, Essex had proposed to give Sir Henry Harrington, seneschal of Wicklow, 700 foot and 50 horse, 300 of these to be seasoned soldiers.

His sudden resolution to attack Munster altered this, and the work was left to 'four new companies and Captain Adam Loftus, his company of foot, who were all Irish and most of them lately come from the rebels; myself,' Harrington plaintively adds, 'without either horse or foot, or any penny of entertainment.'

The O'Byrnes had fortified the passage of the Avonmore near Rathdrum, and, in order to accustom his troops to the presence of an enemy, Harrington led them out several miles and encamped near the river.

This was on May 28, when Essex was before Cahir.

Phelim MacHugh sent peaceful messages to Harrington, which can have had no object but to disarm his suspicion.

Next morning the Irish were in considerable force, and, after reconnoitring, the seneschal ordered a return to Wicklow.

The enemy pressed on his rear and hung on his flanks, the ground being for the most part bush, wood, and bog.

A stream which crossed the road was safely forded, but some signs of insubordination appeared in Loftus's company, which was explained by an attempt on the part of his subalterns to gain over some of the hostile kerne who had formerly fought on the Queen's side.

If this was a stratagem on the part of the O'Byrnes it was completely successful.

Loftus did his best in the rear, the post of danger in a retreat, but received a wound from which he afterwards died.

His men immediately ran away, and, although no one pursued, never stopped till they got to Wicklow.

The Irish then charged down the road, and the main body of infantry behaved no better.

'I persuaded them,' says Captain Atherton, 'but to turn their faces and it should be sufficient for their safety, but they never offered to turn, nor speak, but, as men without sense or feeling, ran upon one another's backs, it not being possible to break by reason of the captains, which endeavoured by all means to stay them, but all in vain.'

As soon as the ground allowed them, the soldiers broke in all directions, throwing away their arms and even their clothes.

Captain Charles Montague, who had already done such good service at Blackwater, handled his troop of horse well, and, though wounded in several places, brought off all the colours, and covered the retreat of the few foot soldiers who retained any kind of order.

Captain Wardman was killed, and this was the end of Essex's great scheme for the settlement of Leinster.

[315] [Sidenote: Essex returns to Dublin,] At Waterford, the Lord-Lieutenant was 'received with two Latin orations, and with as much joyful concourse of people as any other town of Ireland.'

He inspected the fort of Duncannon, and Harrington, who amused himself in country quarters by reading books on fortification, and who hoped at coming home to talk of 'counterscarps and casemates,' shoots his wit at the expense of Sir John Norris in his capacity of engineer.

Stripped of technicalities and Italian terms of art, the criticism is that the fort was too confined, and that it was commanded from the land side.

The wit forgot that Irish rebels had no artillery, and did not notice that the course of the channel forced all ships of any size to come close under the walls.

Against a Parma or a Spinola the defences would have availed little, but after-events proved that Duncannon was an important post in Irish warfare.

Boats were brought from Carrick and New Ross, and the army was ferried over from Passage to Ballyhack.

This proved a long operation, 'the boats not being great, and the carriage of our army far greater than ever heretofore in this country followed so few fighting men,' in which statement the reason of Essex's failure is perhaps contained.

The line of march lay by Ballibrennan to a ford over the Slaney, between Enniscorthy and Ferns.

The direct road to Dublin was by Carnew, but the Duffry was a land of woods and hills, swarming with rebels and practicable only for a fighting force; whereas Essex could muster no more than 1,200 effective men, clogged with hurt and sick, and 'with at least thrice as many churls, horseboys, and other like unserviceable people which were of necessity to be guarded.'

It was, therefore, determined to go by the coast, and no enemy appeared until Gorey had been passed.

From this, villages and houses were burned on both sides of the road 'to whet the rebels choler and courage,' who made a stand at a river four miles south of Arklow.

Essex himself passed the deep water with his horse, and Ormonde led the rest of the army over a better ford near the seaside.

The Irish, who were about 1,000 strong, did not venture to close, but skirmished on the left flank, the broken ground being too far off for them to do much harm.

Captain Lawrence Esmond was, however, killed.

Essex endeavoured to draw the enemy down by masking a part of his force, but the natives, as Harrington observes, were not easily to be drawn into an ambuscade.

Ormonde and Blount, with the head of the column, advanced to the seaside, hidden from the others by the shape of the ground.

The Irish, being on the height, saw their advantage, and very nearly succeeded in cutting off the baggage train in the centre.

A hard fight followed, and a charge of Southampton's horse just saved the army from a great disaster.

Several of his men were bogged and in great danger.

Captain Constable escaped with two wounds, and Mr. Seth Cox, 'a gentleman whose industry had adorned him with much both science and language' was killed.

Captain Roche, an Irishman by birth, who had long served the French king, had his leg shattered by a shot.

[Sidenote: having effected nothing.

] After some more fighting, the rebels were beaten off with the loss of 100 men.

Donell Spaniagh, Phelim MacFeagh, and Owen MacRory were all present, and were willing to treat upon protection being granted.

Essex sent word to Phelim that he might have a safe-conduct as far as Arklow if he would come and sue for mercy as a repentant rebel, but that a messenger sent for any other purpose would be hanged.

Dublin was reached without further fighting, and the Irish annalists, with whom Harrington is in almost verbal agreement, may be left to sum up the results of the expedition.

While the 'army was in Munster,' say the Four Masters, 'the Geraldines continued to follow, pursue, and press upon them, to shoot at, wound, and slaughter them.

When the Earl had arrived in the Decies, the Geraldines returned in exultation and high spirits to their territories and houses....

In Leinster they marched not by a prosperous progress, for the Irish were pursuing and environing them, so that they slew great numbers in every road by which they passed....

They said it would have been better for the Earl if he had not gone on this expedition, as he returned back without having received submission or respect from the Geraldines, and without having achieved any exploit worth boasting of, excepting only the taking of Cahir.

[316] [Sidenote: Severity of Essex.

] Essex lost no time in holding a court-martial on the officers and men of Harrington's force.

Piers Walsh, Loftus's Irish lieutenant, who was certainly guilty of cowardice, and perhaps of treacherously communicating with the enemy, was shot; all, or nearly all, the soldiers, had run away; they were sentenced to be hanged, and were actually decimated.

The other officers, 'though they forsook not their places assigned them, but were forsaken by the soldiers, yet because in such an extremity they did not something very extraordinary...

were all cashiered' and imprisoned.

Harrington himself, being a Privy Councillor, was not tried, but was placed under arrest during her Majesty's pleasure.

His thirty years' service were not forgotten in England, and he soon returned to his duty.

The decimation was not approved of, and Wotton notes it as a piece of Roman discipline, and as an instance of Essex's tendency to severity.

On the voyage to the Azores he had thrown a soldier overboard with his own hands.

[317] [Sidenote: Dissatisfaction of Elizabeth.

] Instead of settling Leinster as announced, the Lord Lieutenant had only succeeded in getting rid of his army.

'The poor men,' he wrote, 'that marched eight weeks together be very weary, and the horsemen so divided that I cannot draw 300 to a head.'

And still he promised to overthrow Tyrone, or be himself slain, if he could find him 'on hard ground and in an open country,' which he was as little likely to do as Glendower was to draw spirits from the vasty deep.

There had been sharp letters about his making Southampton general of the horse.

His commission gave him power to do this, but the Queen had expressed her personal repugnance to such promotion.

She disliked the formation of what, in later Irish history, has been called 'a family party.'

Blount was Essex's stepfather, though about his own age, and Southampton had without leave married his cousin, Elizabeth Vernon, who was a maid of honour.

Essex tried to maintain the appointment against the Queen's will, mainly on the ground that no volunteer would adhere to him when thus discountenanced; but Elizabeth said she did not see that Southampton's counsel or experience could be of any particular value, and refused to believe that 'the voluntary gentlemen are so discouraged thereby as they begin to desire passports and prepare to return.'

The Lord-Lieutenant had to submit, and Southampton continued to serve as a volunteer.

The account rendered for two months showed no great balance in the Queen's favour, and it is evident that she thought pretty much as the Irish did about the futility of the Munster journey.

He had, she said, 'brought in never a capital rebel, against whom it had been worthy to have adventured 1,000 men; for of these two comings in that were brought unto you by Ormonde (namely, Mountgarret and Cahir), whereupon ensued the taking of Cahir Castle, full well do we know that you would long since have scorned to have allowed it for any great matter in others to have taken an Irish hold from a rabble of rogues with such force as you had, and with the help of the cannon, which was always able in Ireland to make his passage where it pleased.'

[318] [Sidenote: Essex on his defence.

] Before the end of May Cecil knew that Essex intended to visit Munster, so as to make things safe there before going to the North, and he expresses no opinion on the subject.

But the Queen soon grew uneasy, and complained that she was giving the Earl 1,000_l.

_ a day to make progresses with.

When the results of two months' expenditure were known, her indignation burst forth.

Nothing had been done but what President Norris might have done as well, and she was especially displeased 'that it must be the Queen of England's fortune (who hath held down the greatest enemy she had) to make a base Irish kerne to be accounted so famous a rebel.'

Ireland was in a state worse than that in which Ormonde had left it, and Tyrone was announcing to continental nations 'defeats of regiments, deaths of captains, and loss of men of quality in every corner.'

Essex entrusted regiments to young gentlemen, and made such a fuss that the rebels were always fully prepared.

This was just criticism, and indeed the Earl's own story tallies with it.

He provides the excuse also, but he had only found out what was known to hundreds of officers who had served in Ireland.

The rebels, he said, were much more numerous than the soldiers, and for light warfare they were both naturally more active and better trained to fight.

The Queen's gallant officers and gentlemen of quality did more good than all the rest, and the real difficulty was to restrain their ardour, whereas the rebel leaders 'dare never put themselves to any hazard, but send their kerne and their hirelings to fight with her Majesty's troops.'

English officers with cavalry could always win in the open, and towns were in no danger; but in bogs and woods he was loth to 'wager the lives of noblemen and gentlemen against rogues and naked beggars.'

These were the commonplaces of Irish warfare since Surrey's and Skeffington's days, and Essex was learning his lesson at an enormous cost.

[319] [Sidenote: Campaign in Leix and Offaly.

] The Lord-Lieutenant was ill, of the malady which nearly proved fatal in the following year, and the results of overwork and failure were not lessened by rebukes from the Queen.

An intended expedition into Leix and Offaly was noticed by her as unworthy of his rank, but yet he determined to go.

Blount was first sent to victual Maryborough, and the sergeant-major to Philipstown.

Captain William Williams commanded at the latter place, and he had just lost 60 men by allowing them to fall into an ambuscade.

There was no difficulty in relieving the forts, but when Essex himself followed, he had some sharp fighting on the border of Westmeath.

The Irish were commanded by Captain Tyrrell, a noted English or Anglo-Irish partisan in Tyrone's pay, who always kept 200 men with him.

In days long gone by, the Anglo-Norman Tyrrells had driven the O'Dooleys from Fartullagh, and now they were in arms against the Queen of England's representative.

Sir Conyers Clifford came from Connaught, to meet the Lord-Lieutenant, and his horsemen fought bravely on foot in a country where there was no place for cavalry.

'In all this journey,' says Harrington, who came with the Connaught troops, 'I was comrade to the Earl of Kildare, and slept both on one pillow every night for the most part; here at the parting, my lord gave Sir Griffin Markham great commendations, and made him colonel and commander of all the horse in Connaught; and gave me and some others the honour of knighthood in the field.'

Clifford lost many men before effecting the juncture, and yet the natives were so completely surprised that they had no time even to hide their children.

Many hundred cows were taken, but the result of the expedition was that Essex returned to Dublin and Clifford to Connaught.

[320] [Sidenote: Anger of Elizabeth.

] [Sidenote: The cheap defence of nations.

] At the beginning of August, the Irish Council demanded 2,000 fresh men for the expedition to the North, but before an answer came, they declared that nothing could be done for the year.

It is difficult to say how far this inconsistency was caused by the fluctuations of Essex's own temper, but it was clear that he did not inspire confidence.

The Queen granted the reinforcements, while severely criticising the conduct of both Lord-Lieutenant and Council.

She had been repeatedly told, and could very well believe, that a garrison at Lough Foyle was the chief thing needful.

'We doubt not,' she said, 'but to hear by the next that it is begun and not in question.'

In the meantime the garrisons in Connaught and Munster and in the midland forts seemed scarcely able to maintain themselves.

'We can hope of no success,' she said sarcastically, 'than to be able to keep our towns which were never lost, and some petty holds of small importance, with more than three parts of our army, it being decreed for the head of the rebellion, that our forces shall not find our way this year to behold him.'

She could not understand how no more than 5,000 men were available, instead of at least double that number; and, indeed, it is not easy to understand even now.

And there were other things to make her angry.

Essex had been specially ordered to make no knights except for some striking service, and he now made no less than fifty-nine, without having anything to show for it.

The court news-writer, from whom we learn so much, notes that he had begun by dozens and scores, and had now fallen to 'huddle them up by half-hundreds; and it is noted as a strange thing, that a subject, in the course of seven or eight years, should, upon so little service and small desert, make more knights than in all the realm besides; and it is doubted, that if he continues this course, he will shortly bring in tag and rag, cut and long-tail, and so bring the order into contempt.'

[321] [Sidenote: Defeat of Sir Conyers Clifford (August).

]