Ireland Under the Tudors, Volume 3 — Chapter 49 Government of Mountjoy 1600 Part 2

[Sidenote: Sir Henry Docwra occupies Derry (May).

] While Carew was preparing to re-conquer the South by a mixture of force and fraud, a successful lodgment was made in the extreme north.

On May 6, Sir Henry Docwra sailed from Carrickfergus with 4,000 foot and 200 horse.

Boards and spars for building, master carpenters and master masons, and a great quantity of tools and victuals were provided.

The mortality among Randolph's men was not forgotten, and there were 100 flock-beds for a hospital.

Three pieces of cannon were thought sufficient in view of an Irish siege.

On the seventh day the ships grounded at the entrance of Lough Foyle, waited for the tide, advanced a little, and then grounded again.

At last, on May 16, the work of unloading began at Culmore.

One hundred men fired a volley from the shore, and horse were also visible; but they did not venture to dispute the landing, and in six days an entrenchment capable of sheltering 200 men was thrown up about some ruined walls.

O'Dogherty had dismantled his castle of Ellogh in the immediate neighbourhood; but it was easily repaired, and received a garrison of 150 men.

Having thus made good his ground, Docwra marched with his main body to Derry on the 22nd, and this is how he describes its then condition:--'A place in manner of an island comprehending within it forty acres of ground, whereon were the ruins of an old abbey, of a bishop's house, of two churches, and at one of the ends of it an old castle, the river called Lough Foyle encompassing it all on one side, and a bog, most commonly wet and not easily passable except in two or three places, dividing it from the mainland...

the ground being high, and therefore dry, and healthy to dwell upon.

At that end where the old castle stood, being close to the water side, I presently resolved to raise a fort to keep our store of ammunition and victuals in, and in the other a little above, where the walls of an old cathedral church were yet standing, to erect another for our future safety and retreat unto upon all occasions.'

Wisely refusing to be tempted into pursuit of cunning enemies on their own ground, Docwra devoted his whole strength to the task of making the place habitable for the winter.

Two ships were sent to coast along for timber and building materials, and a strong party was sent to cut birch in O'Cahan's woods on the other side of the Foyle.

'There was,' he said, 'not a stick brought home that was not well fought for.'

The ruins of old Derry and of Randolph's settlement were utilised, stone and slate were found hard by, and 'of cockle shells to make a lime we discovered infinite plenty of in a little island in the mouth of the harbour as we came in.'

[344] [Sidenote: Docwra fortifies Derry (May to June).

] To prevent Tyrone's whole force from being directed against Docwra before he was in a position to stand a siege, Mountjoy himself moved northwards at the same time.

He advanced as far as Newry, and Tyrone immediately faced him and turned his back to Lough Foyle.

Southampton followed the Deputy with a small force, and the Irish attempted to cut him off in the Moyry pass.

There was some sharp fighting, but the Earl, who behaved valiantly, charging more than 200 horse with only six followers, made good his junction with the main army, and Mountjoy, having waited at Newry till he heard that Docwra was safe, turned back to Dublin.

Tyrone and O'Donnell, with about 5,000 men, then threatened the new settlement at Derry, but the garrison stood strictly on the defensive and nothing was done.

Docwra thought it prudent to abandon the project of detaching 1,000 men to Ballyshannon, and losses by sickness soon showed the wisdom of his decision.

Sir Arthur O'Neill, son of old Tirlogh Luineach, came to the fort with a few followers, and the garrison found abundant occupation in hunting cows for their own consumption, and in skirmishing with the O'Cahans and O'Dogherties.

[345] [Sidenote: Carew in Munster.

Florence MacCarthy.

] Carew's great idea was to divide his enemies by policy before he proceeded to crush them by force.

His first object was to disarm the active hostility of Florence MacCarthy, and to that end he sought an interview with him.

'So fearful a creature,' he said, 'I did never see, mistrusting to be killed by every man he saw,' but both Lord Thomond and Sir Nicholas Walshe swore solemnly that he should return safely.

The practical result of the conference was that Florence promised the President to remain neutral, while the Sugane Earl reminded him that he would be more than 1,700 strong, and that he would take no excuse.

Another means of weakening the rebels was to make them distrust each other, and to this end Carew encouraged a protected rebel, named John Nugent, who had been in the service of Sir Thomas Norris and had deserted, to kill John Fitzthomas, the Sugane Earl's brother.

The attempt failed, and Nugent was promptly hanged; but it was known that the would-be assassin had obtained money, a horse and arms from the President, and the feeling of insecurity among the Irish became as great as if the murder had actually taken place.

[346] [Sidenote: Carew employs Dermot O'Connor,] [Sidenote: who arrests Desmond (June).

] Another plot was directed against the Sugane Earl himself, and it came very near succeeding.

Dermot O'Connor and his wife proved quite ready to do the President's work, and Lady Margaret's unwillingness to acknowledge any Desmond but her brother was an excuse which would have some weight with the people of Munster.

The jealousy between Dermot's mercenaries and the followers of James Fitzthomas was already excessive.

At all events Dermot agreed to deliver up the Sugane Earl for 1,000_l.

_ Archbishop MacGrath had been active in the matter, and his two sons became securities for Carew, along with two of Lady Margaret's foster-brothers, named Power.

To give up these hostages openly would have disclosed the plot, and it was arranged that they should fall as it were accidentally into Dermot's hands.

They very nearly fell victims to the violence of his men, who were not in the secret.

To give Dermot the desired opportunity of seizing his ally, the President ostentatiously dispersed his force, by way of putting him off his guard.

As a further protection Carew wrote a letter to the Sugane Earl, which made it appear that he had undertaken to deliver O'Connor alive or dead; and it was calculated that this would be sufficient defence for the latter when the treachery should have taken effect.

The letter was placed in Dermot's hands in such a way that he could say he had intercepted it.

All precautions having been taken, O'Connor asked for an interview with the man whom he intended to betray.

They distrusted one another, and each brought an armed force with him.

The ill-feeling already existing between the followers of Tyrone and Desmond soon found a vent, and, to avoid further disunion, the two leaders agreed to dismiss their men.

Dermot had a few trusty adherents in ambush, and with their help he arrested the Sugane Earl in O'Neill's name, producing Carew's letter as sufficient warrant.

The prisoner was secured at Castle Ishin, near Charleville, and word was sent to the President to come to Kilmallock, where Lady Margaret was to meet him and receive the promised thousand pounds.

[347] [Sidenote: O'Donnell harries Clare] In the meantime Hugh Roe O'Donnell had resolved to follow up Tyrone's plan of persecuting all native lords who refused to join the confederacy.

Lord Barry had already suffered, and the Earls of Clanricarde and Thomond were now to have their turn.

It was seen that Docwra was not strong enough to take the offensive, and Tyrone, therefore, required no help as against him.

Leaving a corps of observation under O'Dogherty and Nial Garv O'Donnell, Hugh Roe mustered all his forces at Ballymote.

The chiefs who came to him were O'Rourke, O'Connor Sligo, O'Connor Roe, MacDermot, and Theobald Burke, calling himself MacWilliam Iochtar.

The allies marched without fighting to the neighbourhood of Gort, and then suddenly burst into Clare.

A camp was pitched near Ennis, where only the monastery was spared, and plundering parties were sent in all directions west of the Fergus.

'Many a feast,' say the annalists, 'fit for a goodly gentleman, or for the lord of a territory, was enjoyed throughout Thomond this night by parties of four or five men, under the shelter of a shrubbery or at the side of a bush.'

[Sidenote: and Clanricarde.

] Retreating slowly to Corcomroe Abbey, and scouring the country right and left, the invaders burned every house; and we are particularly told that the smoke enveloped the whole line of march, and that it was dense enough to make them lose their way.

The rocky passes of Burren were passed without opposition, and the victorious raiders encamped near Oranmore, where they divided their immense booty of cattle.

A few had been killed and wounded in the foray, especially in the attack on Clare Castle, and the survivors were sent home in charge of Theobald Burke and of those who guarded the cattle.

O'Donnell himself, with 500 foot and 60 horse, went to Loughrea, and drove off all the herds they could find to Ballymote.

The English account says that Thomond punished his enemies with the help of Captain Flower and of over 800 English soldiers, and that he recovered a great part of his cattle; but of this the annalists--ever favourable to O'Donnell--make no mention.

In Clanricarde there seems to have been no opposition at all.

[348] [Sidenote: The Sugane Earl rescued.

] O'Donnell's enterprise restored the spirits of the Irish, and perhaps prevented Carew from seizing his prey promptly.

Piers Lacy collected 4,000 men and suddenly surrounded Castle Ishin.

Carew had vainly awaited Lady Margaret for a week at Kilmallock, and he now, in spite of Flower's absence, advanced to the rescue.

But it was too late.

A

priest had persuaded the garrison, and the Sugane Earl was already in Lacy's hands.

Dermot O'Connor excused himself, and no doubt this failure was not his fault; but the chance of 1,000_l.

_ was lost, and he soon made friends with the rebels once more.

The Munster Irish still very naturally mistrusting him, he withdrew into Connaught, and on his brother-in-law's restoration to the honours of Desmond again offered his services to Carew.

A safe-conduct was accordingly sent to him, but he was waylaid near Gort by Tibbot-ne-Long Burke, with 100 men in the Queen's pay, taken prisoner, and put to death.

Private revenge was Burke's motive, but Clanricarde and the President were 'exceedingly incensed' at a murder which threw doubts upon the good faith of both.

[349] [Sidenote: Mountjoy's share in the Essex conspiracy.

] Elizabeth's dislike to name a successor was well known, and should have been respected by one who owed so much to her as Essex did.

That there was, in fact, no dispute about the matter was due to Cecil's admirable management, but the Earl's uneasy ambition was not likely to lose the chance of establishing a claim on the coming man.

He entered into negotiations with James in 1598, representing that Cecil favoured the claims of the Infanta and was plotting to make them good.

James had little to fear from any rival; but it was in his nature to be busy, and he intrigued with Tyrone as well as with Essex.

In August 1599, immediately before his journey to the north, the latter thought seriously of taking 2,000 or 3,000 men over to Wales, and broached the design privately to Southampton and Blount, who both earnestly dissuaded him.

It was about that time that Mountjoy also opened communications with James, and with him the influence of Lady Rich may have counted for much.

His first proposals to the Scottish king are not known, but we may judge of their nature by what happened afterwards.

When Essex after his return from Ireland, was committed to the Lord-Keeper's house, and in daily fear of being sent to the Tower, he called upon Mountjoy and Southampton to look after his interests.

They were willing to help him to escape, but he declared himself ready 'rather to run any danger than to lead the life of a fugitive.'

When it was finally decided that Mountjoy should undertake the government of Ireland, Essex pressed him to take some more decided course.

'He then swore,' says one who was present, 'exacting the like oaths from my Lord of Southampton and myself, to defend with the uttermost of our lives her Majesty's person and government during her life against all persons whatsoever, and it was resolved to send Henry Lee again into Scotland, with offer that if the King would enter into the cause at that time, Lord Mountjoy would leave the kingdom of Ireland defensibly guarded, and with 4,000 or 5,000 men assist that enterprise, which, with the party that my Lord of Essex would be able to make, were thought sufficient to bring that to pass which was intended.'

It seems that James was not expected to do more than show himself on the border, while his ambassador in London pressed for a public acknowledgment of his right to the succession.

Lee was still in Scotland when Mountjoy went to Ireland, and he was arrested as soon as he returned.

What Essex intended, or whether he had any definite plan at all, may be doubted;

but Mountjoy made it clear that he at least was playing only 'for the establishment of the succession, and not for private ambition.'

[350] [Sidenote: James VI.

, Essex, and Mountjoy.

] Mountjoy told Southampton that he had foreseen Essex's ruin before his return from Ireland, and that he had opened the correspondence with James as a possible means of saving him.

The king was advised not to leave the whole realm in the hands of his enemies, and it was hoped that a diversion might thus be made.

In his second letter, if not in his first, Mountjoy proposed that James 'should prepare an army, declare his intent, and that he would be ready to assist him with the army in Ireland, whither he was going,' but insisting on his former stipulation that nothing should be done against Queen Elizabeth.

This might, perhaps, mean no more than that, if the succession were declared in England, he would see the same done in Ireland.

Southampton made similar offers, but also reserved his allegiance to the Queen.

James gave an evasive answer, declaring that he would bear the matter in mind, but that the establishment of a garrison at Lough Foyle was a condition precedent to any action on his part.

Mountjoy did not afterwards deny that he had entertained the idea of bringing troops over to Wales, but only in consideration of the heir to the throne being engaged in the business.

James's caution did not suit the impatient Essex, who approved of a suggestion by Danvers, 'that the army of Ireland would suffice alone.'

He sent Southampton over to sound Mountjoy, 'which,' says the envoy, 'I did, and he utterly rejected it as a thing which he could no way think honest, and dissuaded me from any such courses.'

Lady Rich was on the other side of the Channel, and loyalty now resumed its sway.

Willing, as he says, to redeem his fault of intention, the Earl remained as a volunteer in Ireland, and Mountjoy vainly tried to have him made Governor of Connaught.

This was in June, and in the following month Southampton went to Holland.

The probability is that Cecil had a shrewd suspicion of the truth.

But Essex determined to make another attempt.

Early in August Danvers and Cuffe met at the Cross Inn at Oxford, and the latter brought a direct message from Essex.

'My Lord requested,' says Danvers, 'that notwithstanding my Lord of Southampton's departure, I would proceed in my journey, and communicate the projects with my Lord Mountjoy, and procure his letter.'

He took the precaution of sending a special messenger to London, who returned with reiterated instructions from Essex, and thereupon he started for Ireland.

He was met with a positive refusal from Mountjoy, who spoke even more decidedly than he had done to Southampton.

'He desired my lord to have patience, to recover again by ordinary means the Queen's ordinary favour; that though he had it not in such measure as he had had heretofore, he should content himself; that at his coming home he would do for him like a friend;

that he hoped my lord would do nothing but that which should be justifiable in honour and honesty.

In that confidence, if he sent for a letter, he would send him such a one as he might justify.'

Very good advice, but not such as Essex was capable of following for long.

The spoiled child would have all or nothing.

[351] [Sidenote: The Pale: Mountjoy's plan.

] The defeat at the Blackwater and the complete failure of Essex had reduced the army to a miserable state.

Under Mountjoy the soldiers gradually gained confidence, and no doubt he was well advised in not hurrying matters.

After the skirmish in the Moyry pass he lay for some days at Newry, and in the meantime a certain amount of damage was done in the Pale.

The causeway through the pass was partly broken up by the Irish, and he thought it prudent to return by Carlingford to Dundalk.

'At this time,' says Moryson, who, as Mountjoy's secretary, was an eye-witness of what he describes, 'the county of Dublin on the south of the Liffey was, in effect, entirely overrun by the rebels;

the county of Kildare was likewise possessed or wasted by them.

The county of Meath was wasted, as also the county of Westmeath (excepting the barony of Delvin) and the county of Louth; so that in the English Pale, the towns having garrisons, and the lands from Drogheda to Navan, and thence back to Trim, and so to Dublin, were only inhabited, which were also like to grow waste, if they were further charged with the soldiers.'

The English writer excepts Delvin, but the annalists say it was invaded by Tyrone six months before, who wasted it until the Baron 'submitted to O'Neill on his terms.'

Maryborough and Philipstown were cut off from Dublin, and Mountjoy's first care was to restore perfect communications.

His plan was to strengthen and victual the garrisons so as to secure them against attack, while harrying the country so thoroughly as to make it impossible for the Irish to keep the field.

[352] [Sidenote: Mountjoy in King's County (July).

] The remnant of the O'Connors were still troublesome in Offaly, and they had the help of Captain Tyrrell, a renowned partisan who was much in Tyrone's confidence.

Mountjoy, to quote his own words, went 'into the country on foot over a bog, and went out of it in like sort.'

But he was not always on foot, for he records that grey Davies, his easiest-going horse, was shot under him.

With little loss he drove the Irish up and down the country, and the O'Connors never made much head against him.

During the three or four years of Tyrone's supremacy they had destroyed most of the King's County castles, and Mountjoy's care now was to destroy the crops, so that they could not reoccupy the ground.

Not only did he reap the green corn, but used harrows and grubbers with long teeth, called _pracas_, to root it up.

[353]