Kitchener's Mob Adventures of an American in the British Army — 10 - New Lodgings

I. MOVING IN

We were wet and tired and cold and hungry, for we had left the train miles back of the firing-line and had been marching through the rain since early morning; but, as the sergeant said, "A bloke standin' by the side o' the road, watchin' this 'ere column pass, would think we was a-go'n' to a Sunday-school picnic."

The roads were filled with endless processions of singing, shouting soldiers.

Seen from a distance the long columns gave the appearance of imposing strength.

One thought of them as battalions, brigades, divisions, cohesive parts of a great fighting machine.

But when our lines of march crossed, when we halted to make way for each other, what an absorbing pageant of personality!

Each rank was a series of intimate pictures.

Everywhere there was laughing, singing, a merry minstrelsy of mouth-organs.

The jollity in my own part of the line was doubtless a picture in little of what was happening elsewhere.

We were anticipating the exciting times just at hand.

Mac, who was blown to pieces by a shell a few hours later, was dancing in and out of the ranks singing,-- "Oh!

Won't it be joyful!

Oh!

Won't it be joyful!"

Preston, who was killed at the same time, threw his rifle in the air and caught it again in sheer excess of animal spirits.

Three rollicking lads, all of whom we buried during the week in the same shell hole under the same wooden cross, stumbled with an exaggerated show of utter weariness singing,-- "We never knew till now how muddy mud is, We never knew how muddy mud could be."

And little Charley Harrison, who had fibbed bravely about his age to the recruiting officers, trudged contentedly along, his rifle slung jauntily over his shoulder, and munched army biscuit with all the relish of an old campaigner.

Several days later he said good-bye to us, and made the journey back the same road, this time in a motor ambulance; and as I write, he is hobbling about a London hospital ward, one trouser leg pathetically empty.

I remember that march in the light of our later experiences, in the light of the official report of the total British casualties at Loos: sixty thousand British lads killed, wounded, and missing.

Marching four abreast, a column of casualties miles in length.

I see them plodding light-heartedly through the mud as they did on that gray September day, their faces wet with the rain, "an' a bloke standin' by the side of the road would think they was a-go'n' to a Sunday-school picnic."

The sergeant was in a talkative mood.

"Lissen to them guns barkin'!

We're in for it this time, straight!"

Then, turning to the men behind,-- "'Ave you got yer wills made out, you lads?

You're a-go'n' to see a scrap presently, an' it ain't a-go'n' to be no flea-bite, I give you _my_ word!"

"Right you are, sergeant!

I'm leavin' me razor to 'is Majesty.

'Ope 'e'll tyke the 'int."

"Strike me pink, sergeant!

You gettin' cold feet?"

"Less sing 'im, 'I want to go 'ome.'

Get 'im to cryin' like a baby."

"W'ere's yer mouth-organ, Ginger?"

"Right-O!

Myke it weepy now!

Slow march!"

"I--want to go 'ome!

I--want to go 'ome!

Jack-Johnsons, coal-boxes, and shrapnel, oh, Lor'!

I don't want to go in the trenches no more.

Send me across the sea W'ere the Allemand can't shoot me.

Oh, my!

I don't want to die!

I--want to go 'ome!"

It is one of the most plaintive and yearning of soldiers' songs.

Jack-Johnsons and coal-boxes are two greatly dreaded types of high explosive shells which Tommy would much rather sing about than meet.

"Wite," the sergeant said, smiling grimly; "just wite till we reach the end o' this 'ere march!

You'll be a-singin' that song out o' the other side o' yer faces."

We halted in the evening at a little mining village, and were billeted for the night in houses, stables, and even in the water-soaked fields, for there was not sufficient accommodation for all of us.

With a dozen of my comrades I slept on the floor in the kitchen of a miner's cottage, and listened, far into the night, to the constant procession of motor ambulances, the tramp of marching feet, the thunder of guns, the rattle of windows, and the sound of breaking glass.

The following day we spent in cleaning our rifles, which were caked with rust, and in washing our clothes.

We had to put these, still wet, into our packs, for at dusk we fell in, in column of route, along the village street, when our officers told us what was before us.

I remember how vividly and honestly one of them described the situation.

"Listen carefully, men.

We are moving off in a few moments, to take over captured German trenches on the left of Loos.

No one knows yet just how the land lies there.

The reports we have had are confused and rather conflicting.

The boys you are going to relieve have been having a hard time.

The trenches are full of dead.

Those who are left are worn out with the strain, and they need sleep.

They won't care to stop long after you come in, so you must not expect much information from them.

You will have to find out things for yourselves.

But I know you well enough to feel certain that you will.

From now on you'll not have it easy.

You will have to sit tight under a heavy fire from the German batteries.

You will have to repulse counter-attacks, for they will make every effort to retake those trenches.

But remember!

You're British soldiers!

Whatever happens you've got to hang on!"

We marched down a road nearly a foot deep in mud.

It had been churned to a thick paste by thousands of feet and all the heavy wheel traffic incident to the business of war.

The rain was still coming down steadily, and it was pitch dark, except for the reflected light, on the low-hanging clouds, of the flashes from the guns of our batteries and those of the bursting shells of the enemy.

We halted frequently, to make way for long files of ambulances which moved as rapidly as the darkness and the awful condition of the roads would permit.

I counted twenty of them during one halt, and then stopped, thinking of the pain of the poor fellows inside, their wounds wrenched and torn by the constant pitching and jolting.

We had vivid glimpses of them by the light from flashing guns, and of the Red Cross attendants at the rear of the cars, steadying the upper tiers of stretchers on either side.

The heavy Garrison artillery was by this time far behind us.

The big shells went over with a hollow roar like the sound of an express train heard at a distance.

Field artillery was concealed in the ruins of houses on every side.

The guns were firing at a tremendous rate, the shells exploding several miles away with a sound of jarring thunder claps.

In addition to the ambulances there was a constant stream of outgoing traffic of other kinds: dispatch riders on motor cycles, feeling their way cautiously along the side of the road; ammunition supply and battalion transport wagons, the horses rearing and plunging in the darkness.

We approached a crossroad and halted to make way for some batteries of field pieces moving to new positions.

They went by on a slippery cobbled road, the horses at a dead gallop.

In the red lightenings of heavy-gun fire they looked like a series of splendid sculptured groups.

We moved on and halted, moved on again, stumbled into ditches to get out of the way of headquarters cars and motor lorries, jumped up and pushed on.

Every step through the thick mud was taken with an effort.

We frequently lost touch with the troops ahead of us and would have to march at the double in order to catch up.

I was fast getting into that despondent, despairing frame of mind which often follows great physical weariness, when I remembered a bit of wisdom out of a book by William James which I had read several years before.

He had said, in effect, that men have layers of energy, reserves of nervous force, which they are rarely called upon to use, but which are, nevertheless, assets of great value in times of strain.

I had occasion to test the truth of this statement during that night march, and at intervals later, when I felt that I had reached the end of my resources of strength.

And I found it to be practical wisdom which stood me in good stead on more than one occasion.

We halted to wait for our trench guides at the village of Vermelles, about three miles back of our lines.

The men lay down thankfully in the mud and many were soon asleep despite the terrific noise.

Our batteries, concealed in the ruins of houses, were keeping up a steady fire and the German guns were replying almost as hotly.

The weird flashes lit up the shattered walls with a fascinating, bizarre effect.

By their light, I saw men lying with their heads thrown back over their pack-sacks, their rifles leaning across their bodies; others standing in attitudes of suspended animation.

The noise was deafening.

One was thrown entirely upon his own resources for comfort and companionship, for it was impossible to converse.

While we were waiting for the order to move, a homeless dog put his cold nose into my hand.

I patted him and he crept up close beside me.

Every muscle in his body was quivering.

I wanted to console him in his own language.

But I knew very little French, and I should have had to shout into his ear at the top of my voice to have made myself heard.

When we marched on I lost him.

And I never saw him again.

There was a further march of two and a half miles over open country, the scene of the great battle.

The ground was a maze of abandoned trenches and was pitted with shell holes.

The clay was so slippery and we were so heavily loaded that we fell down at every step.

Some of the boys told me afterward that I cursed like blue blazes all the way up.

I was not conscious of this, but I can readily understand that it may have been true.

At any rate, as a result of that march, I lost what reputation I had for being temperate in the use of profanity.

We crossed what had been the first line of British trenches, which marked the starting-point of the advance, and from there the ground was covered with the bodies of our comrades, men who had "done their bit," as Tommy says, and would never go home again.

Some were huddled in pathetic little groups of two or three as they might have crept together for companionship before they died.

Some were lying face downward just as they had fallen.

Others in attitudes revealing dreadful suffering.

Many were hanging upon the tangles of German barbed wire which the heaviest of bombardments never completely destroys.

We saw them only by the light of distant trench rockets and stumbled on them and over them when the darkness returned.

It is an unpleasant experience, marching under fire, on top of the ground, even though it is dark and the enemy is shelling haphazardly.

We machine gunners were always heavily loaded.

In addition to the usual infantryman's burden, we had our machine guns to carry, and our ammunition, water supply, tools and instruments.

We were very eager to get under cover, but we had to go slowly.

By the time we reached our trench we were nearly exhausted.

The men whom we were to relieve were packed up, ready to move out, when we arrived.

We threw our rifles and equipment on the parapet and stood close to the side of the trench to allow them to pass.

They were cased in mud.

Their faces, which I saw by the glow of matches or lighted cigarettes, were haggard and worn.

A week's growth of beard gave them a wild and barbaric appearance.

They talked eagerly.

They were hysterically cheerful; voluble from sheer nervous reaction.

They had the prospect of getting away for a little while from the sickening horrors: the sight of maimed and shattered bodies, the deafening noise, the nauseating odor of decaying flesh.

As they moved out there were the usual conversations which take place between incoming and outgoing troops.

"Wot sort of a week you 'ad, mate?"

"It ain't been a week, son; it's been a lifetime!"

"Lucky fer us you blokes come in just w'en you did.

We've about reached the limit."

"'Ow far we got to go fer water?"

"'Bout two miles.

Awful journey!

Tyke you all night to do it.

You got to stop every minute, they's so much traffic along that trench.

Go down Stanley Road about five 'unnerd yards, turn off to yer left on Essex Alley, then yer first right.

Brings you right out by the 'ouse w'ere the pump is."

"'Ere's a straight tip!

Send yer water fatigue down early in the mornin': three o'clock at the latest.

They's thousands usin' that well an' she goes dry arter a little w'ile."

"You blokes want any souvenirs, all you got to do is pick 'em up: 'elmets, revolvers, rifles, German di'ries.

You wite till mornin'.

You'll see plenty."

"Is this the last line o' Fritzie's trenches?"

"Can't tell you, mate.

All we know is, we got 'ere some'ow an' we been a-'oldin' on.

My Gawd!

It's been awful!

They calmed down a bit to-night.

You blokes is lucky comin' in just w'en you did."

"I ain't got a pal left out o' my section.

You'll see some of 'em.

We ain't 'ad time to bury 'em."

They were soon gone and we were left in ignorance of the situation.

We knew only approximately the direction of the living enemy and the dead spoke to us only in dumb show, telling us unspeakable things about the horrors of modern warfare.

Fortunately for us, the fire of the German batteries, during our first night in captured trenches, was directed chiefly upon positions to our right and left.

The shells from our own batteries were exploding far in advance of our sector of trench, and we judged from this that we were holding what had been the enemy's last line, and that the British artillery were shelling the line along which they would dig themselves in anew.

We felt more certain of this later in the night when working parties were sent from the battalion to a point twelve hundred yards in front of the trenches we were then holding.

They were to dig a new line there, to connect with intrenchments which had been pushed forward on either side of us.

At daybreak we learned that we were slightly to the left of Hill 70. Hulluch, a small village still in possession of the Germans, was to our left front.

Midway between Hill 70 and Hulluch and immediately to the front of our position, there was a long stretch of open country which sloped gently forward for six or eight hundred yards, and then rose gradually toward the sky-line.

In the first assault the British troops had pushed on past the trenches we were holding and had advanced up the opposite slope, nearly a mile farther on.

There they started to dig themselves in, but an unfortunate delay in getting forward had given the enemy time to collect a strong force of local reserves behind his second line, which was several hundred yards beyond.

So heavy a fire had been concentrated upon them that the British troops had been forced to retire to the line we were then occupying.

They had met with heavy losses both in advancing and retiring, and the ground in front of us for nearly a mile was strewn with bodies.

We did not learn all of this at once.

We knew nothing of our exact position during the first night, but as there appeared to be no enemy within striking distance of our immediate front, we stood on the firing-benches vainly trying to get our bearings.

About one o'clock, we witnessed the fascinating spectacle of a counter-attack at night.

It came with the dramatic suddenness, the striking spectacular display, of a motion-picture battle.

The pictorial effect seemed extravagantly overdrawn.

There was a sudden hurricane of rifle and machine-gun fire, and in an instant all the desolate landscape was revealed under the light of innumerable trench rockets.

We saw the enemy advancing in irregular lines to the attack.

They were exposed to a pitiless infantry fire.

I could follow the curve of our trenches on the left by the almost solid sheet of flame issuing from the rifles of our comrades against whom the assault was launched.

The artillery ranged upon the advancing lines at once, and the air was filled with the roar of bursting shells and the melancholy _whing-g-g-g_ of flying shrapnel.

I did not believe that any one could cross that fire-swept area alive, but before many moments we heard the staccato of bursting bombs and hand grenades which meant that some of the enemy, at least, were within striking distance.

There was a sharp crescendo of deafening sound, then, gradually, the firing ceased, and word came down the line, "Counter-attack against the ---- Guards; and jolly well beaten off too."

Another was attempted before daybreak, and again the same torrent of lead, the same hideous uproar, the same sickening smell of lyddite, the same ghastly noon-day effect, the same gradual silence, and the same result.

II. DAMAGED TRENCHES

The brief respite which we enjoyed during our first night soon came to an end.

We were given time, however, to make our trenches tenable.

Early the following morning we set to work removing the wreckage of human bodies.

Never before had death revealed itself so terribly to us.

Many of the men had been literally blown to pieces, and it was necessary to gather the fragments in blankets.

For weeks afterward we had to eat and sleep and work and think among such awful sights.

We became hardened to them finally.

It was absolutely essential that we should.

The trenches and dugouts had been battered to pieces by the British artillery fire before the infantry assault, and since their capture the work of destruction had been carried on by the German gunners.

Even in their wrecked condition we could see how skillfully they had been constructed.

No labor had been spared in making them as nearly shell-proof and as comfortable for living quarters as it is possible for such earthworks to be.

The ground here was unusually favorable.

Under a clayish surface soil, there was a stratum of solid chalk.

Advantage of this had been taken by the German engineers who must have planned and supervised the work.

Many of the shell-proof dugouts were fifteen and even twenty feet below the surface of the ground.

Entrance to these was made in the front wall of the trench on a level with the floor.

Stairways just large enough to permit the passage of a man's body led down to them.

The roofs were reinforced with heavy timbers.

They were so strongly built throughout that most of them were intact, although the passageways leading up to the trench were choked with loose earth.

There were larger surface dugouts with floors but slightly lower than that of the trench.

These were evidently built for living quarters in times of comparative quiet.

Many of them were six feet wide and from twenty to thirty feet long, and quite palaces compared to the wretched little "funk-holes" to which we had been accustomed.

They were roofed with logs a foot or more in diameter placed close together and one on top of the other in tiers of three, with a covering of earth three or four feet thick.

But although they were solidly built they had not been proof against the rain of high explosives.

Many of them were in ruins, the logs splintered like kindling wood and strewn far and wide over the ground.

We found several dugouts, evidently officers' quarters, which were almost luxuriously furnished.

There were rugs for the wooden floors and pictures and mirrors for the walls; and in each of them there was the jolliest little stove with a removable lid.

We discovered one of these underground palaces at the end of a blind alley leading off from the main trench.

It was at least fifteen feet underground, with two stairways leading down to it, so that if escape was cut off in one direction, it was still possible to get out on the other side.

We immediately took possession, built a roaring fire, and were soon passing canteens of hot tea around the circle.

Life was worth while again.

We all agreed that there were less comfortable places in which to have breakfast on rainy autumn mornings than German officers' dug-outs.

The haste with which the Germans abandoned their trenches was evidenced by the amount of war material which they left behind.

We found two machine guns and a great deal of small-arms ammunition in our own limited sector of frontage.

Rifles, intrenching tools, haversacks, canteens, greatcoats, bayonets were scattered everywhere.

All of this material was of the very best.

Canteens, water-bottles, and small frying-pans were made of aluminum and most ingeniously fashioned to make them less bulky for carrying.

Some of the bayonets were saw-edged.

We found three of these needlessly cruel weapons in a dugout which bore the following inscription over the door:-- "_Gott tret' herein.

Bring' glück herein.

_" It was an interesting commentary on German character.

Tommy Atkins never writes inscriptions of a religious nature over the doorway of his splinter-roof shelter.

Neither does he file a saw edge on his bayonet.

We found many letters, picture post-cards, and newspapers; among the latter, one called the "Krieg-Zeitung," published at Lille for the soldiers in the field, and filled with glowing accounts of battles fought by the ever victorious German armies.

Death comes swiftly in war.

One's life hangs by a thread.

The most trivial circumstance saves or destroys.

Mac came into the half-ruined dugout where the off-duty machine gunners were making tea over a fire of splintered logs.

"Jamie," he said, "take my place at sentry for a few minutes, will you?

I've lost my water-bottle.

It's 'ere in the dugout somew'ere.

I'll be only a minute."

I went out to the gun position a few yards away, and immediately afterward the Germans began a bombardment of our line.

One's ear becomes exact in distinguishing the size of shells by the sound which they make in traveling through the air; and it is possible to judge the direction and the probable place of their fall.

Two of us stood by the machine gun.

We heard at the same time the sound which we knew meant danger, possibly death.

It was the awful whistling roar of a high explosive.

We dropped to the floor of the trench at once.

The explosion blackened our faces with lyddite and half-blinded us.

The dugout which I had left less than a moment ago was a mass of wreckage.

Seven of our comrades were inside.

One of them crawled out, pulling himself along with one arm.

The other arm was terribly crushed and one leg was hanging by a tendon and a few shreds of flesh.

"My God, boys!

Look wot they did to me!"

He kept saying it over and over while we cut the cords from our bandoliers, tied them about his leg and arm and twisted them up to stop the flow of blood.

He was a fine, healthy lad.

A moment before he had been telling us what he was going to do when we went home on furlough.

Now his face was the color of ashes, his voice grew weaker and weaker, and he died while we were working over him.

High explosive shells were bursting all along the line.

Great masses of earth and chalk were blown in on top of men seeking protection where there was none.

The ground rocked like so much pasteboard.

I heard frantic cries for "Picks and shovels!"

"Stretcher-bearers!

Stretcher-bearers this way, for God's sake!"

The voices sounded as weak and futile as the squeaking of rats in a thunderstorm.

When the bombardment began, all off-duty men were ordered into the deepest of the shell-proof dugouts, where they were really quite safe.

But those English lads were not cowards.

Orders or no orders, they came out to the rescue of their comrades.

They worked without a thought of their own danger.

I felt actually happy, for I was witnessing splendid heroic things.

It was an experience which gave one a new and unshakable faith in his fellows.

The sergeant and I rushed into the ruins of our machine-gun dugout.

The roof still held in one place.

There we found Mac, his head split in two as though it had been done with an axe.

Gardner's head was blown completely off, and his body was so terribly mangled that we did not know until later who he was.

Preston was lying on his back with a great jagged, blood-stained hole through his tunic.

Bert Powel was so badly hurt that we exhausted our supply of field dressings in bandaging him.

We found little Charlie Harrison lying close to the side of the wall, gazing at his crushed foot with a look of incredulity and horror pitiful to see.

One of the men gave him first aid with all the deftness and tenderness of a woman.

The rest of us dug hurriedly into a great heap of earth at the other end of the shelter.

We quickly uncovered Walter, a lad who had kept us laughing at his drollery on many a rainy night.

The earth had been heaped loosely on him and he was still conscious.

"Good old boys," he said weakly; "I was about done for."

In our haste we dislodged another heap of earth which completely buried him again, and it seemed a lifetime before we were able to remove it.

I

have never seen a finer display of pure grit than Walter's. "Easy now!"

he said.

"Can't feel anything below me waist.

I think I'm 'urt down there."

We worked as swiftly and as carefully as we could.

We knew that he was badly wounded, for the earth was soaked with blood; but when we saw, we turned away sick with horror.

Fortunately, he lost consciousness while we were trying to disentangle him from the fallen timbers, and he died on the way to the field dressing-station.

Of the seven lads in the dugout, three were killed outright, three died within half an hour, and one escaped with a crushed foot which had to be amputated at the field hospital.

What had happened to our little group was happening to others along the entire line.

Americans may have read of the bombardment which took place that autumn morning.

The dispatches, I believe, described it with the usual official brevity, giving all the information really necessary from the point of view of the general public.

"Along the Loos-La Bassée sector there was a lively artillery action.

We demolished some earthworks in the vicinity of Hulluch.

Some of our trenches near Hill 70 were damaged."

"Damaged!"

It was a guarded admission.

Our line was a shambles of loose earth and splintered logs.

At some places it was difficult to see just where the trench had been.

Had the Germans launched a counter-attack immediately after the bombardment, we should have had difficulty in holding the position.

But it was only what Tommy called "a big 'ap'orth o' 'ate."