Life of Samuel Johnson, Vol. II — 1776 part 2

'March 12, 1776.' Having arrived in London late on Friday, the 15th of March, I hastened next morning to wait on Dr. Johnson, at his house; but found he was removed from Johnson's-court, No. 7, to Boltcourt, No. 8[1256], still keeping to his favourite Fleet-street.

My reflection at the time upon this change as marked in my Journal, is as follows: 'I felt a foolish regret that he had left a court which bore his name[1257]; but it was not foolish to be affected with some tenderness of regard for a place in which I had seen him a great deal, from whence I had often issued a better and a happier man than when I went in, and which had often appeared to my imagination while I trod its pavements, in the solemn darkness of the night, to be sacred to wisdom and piety[1258].'

Being informed that he was at Mr. Thrale's, in the Borough, I hastened thither, and found Mrs. Thrale and him at breakfast.

I was kindly welcomed.

In a moment he was in a full glow of conversation, and I felt myself elevated as if brought into another state of being.

Mrs. Thrale and I looked to each other while he talked, and our looks expressed our congenial admiration and affection for him.

I shall ever recollect this scene with great pleasure.

I exclaimed to her, 'I am now, intellectually, _Hermippus redivivus_, I am quite restored by him, by transfusion of mind[1259]!'

'There are many (she replied) who admire and respect Mr. Johnson; but you and I _love_ him.'

He seemed very happy in the near prospect of going to Italy with Mr. and Mrs. Thrale.

'But, (said he,) before leaving England I am to take a jaunt to Oxford, Birmingham, my native city Lichfield, and my old friend, Dr. Taylor's, at Ashbourn, in Derbyshire.

I shall go in a few days, and you, Boswell, shall go with me.'

I was ready to accompany him;

being willing even to leave London to have the pleasure of his conversation.

I mentioned with much regret the extravagance of the representative of a great family in Scotland, by which there was danger of its being ruined;

and as Johnson respected it for its antiquity, he joined with me in thinking it would be happy if this person should die.

Mrs. Thrale seemed shocked at this, as feudal barbarity; and said, 'I do not understand this preference of the estate to its owner; of the land to the man who walks upon that land.'

JOHNSON.

'Nay, Madam, it is not a preference of the land to its owner, it is the preference of a family to an individual.

Here is an establishment in a country, which is of importance for ages, not only to the chief but to his people; an establishment which extends upwards and downwards; that this should be destroyed by one idle fellow is a sad thing.'

He said, 'Entails[1260] are good, because it is good to preserve in a country, serieses of men, to whom the people are accustomed to look up as to their leaders.

But I am for leaving a quantity of land in commerce, to excite industry, and keep money in the country; for if no land were to be bought in the country, there would be no encouragement to acquire wealth, because a family could not be founded there; or if it were acquired, it must be carried away to another country where land may be bought.

And although the land in every country will remain the same, and be as fertile where there is no money, as where there is, yet all that portion of the happiness of civil life, which is produced by money circulating in a country, would be lost.'

BOSWELL.

'Then, Sir, would it be for the advantage of a country that all its lands were sold at once?'

JOHNSON.

'So far, Sir, as money produces good, it would be an advantage;

for, then that country would have as much money circulating in it as it is worth.

But to be sure this would be counterbalanced by disadvantages attending a total change of proprietors.'

I expressed my opinion that the power of entailing should be limited thus: 'That there should be one third, or perhaps one half of the land of a country kept free for commerce; that the proportion allowed to be entailed, should be parcelled out so that no family could entail above a certain quantity.

Let a family according to the abilities of its representatives, be richer or poorer in different generations, or always rich if its representatives be always wise: but let its absolute permanency be moderate.

In this way we should be certain of there being always a number of established roots; and as in the course of nature, there is in every age an extinction of some families, there would be continual openings for men ambitious of perpetuity, to plant a stock in the entail ground[1261].'

JOHNSON.

'Why, Sir, mankind will be better able to regulate the system of entails, when the evil of too much land being locked up by them is felt, than we can do at present when it is not felt.'

I mentioned Dr. Adam Smith's book on _The Wealth of Nations_[1262] which was just published, and that Sir John Pringle had observed to me, that Dr. Smith, who had never been in trade, could not be expected to write well on that subject any more than a lawyer upon physick.

JOHNSON.

'He is mistaken, Sir: a man who has never been engaged in trade himself may undoubtedly write well upon trade, and there is nothing which requires more to be illustrated by philosophy than trade does.

As to mere wealth, that is to say, money, it is clear that one nation or one individual cannot increase its store but by making another poorer: but trade procures what is more valuable, the reciprocation of the peculiar advantages of different countries.

A merchant seldom thinks but of his own particular trade.

To write a good book upon it, a man must have extensive views.

It is not necessary to have practised, to write well upon a subject.'

I mentioned law as a subject on which no man could write well without practice.

JOHNSON.

'Why, Sir, in England, where so much money is to be got by the practice of the law, most of our writers upon it have been in practice; though Blackstone had not been much in practice when he published his _Commentaries_.

But upon the Continent, the great writers on law have not all been in practice: Grotius, indeed, was; but Puffendorf was not, Burlamaqui was not.'

When we had talked of the great consequence which a man acquired by being employed in his profession, I suggested a doubt of the justice of the general opinion, that it is improper in a lawyer to solicit employment; for why, I urged, should it not be equally allowable to solicit that as the means of consequence, as it is to solicit votes to be elected a member of Parliament?

Mr. Strahan had told me that a countryman of his and mine[1263], who had risen to eminence in the law, had, when first making his way, solicited him to get him employed in city causes.

JOHNSON.

'Sir, it is wrong to stir up law-suits; but when once it is certain that a law-suit is to go on, there is nothing wrong in a lawyer's endeavouring that he shall have the benefit, rather than another.'

BOSWELL.

'You would not solicit employment, Sir, if you were a lawyer.'

JOHNSON.

'No, Sir, but not because I should think it wrong, but because I should disdain it.'

This was a good distinction, which will be felt by men of just pride.

He proceeded: 'However, I would not have a lawyer to be wanting to himself in using fair means.

I would have him to inject a little hint now and then, to prevent his being overlooked.'

Lord Mountstuart's bill for a Scotch Militia[1264], in supporting which his Lordship had made an able speech in the House of Commons, was now a pretty general topick of conversation.

JOHNSON.

'As Scotland contributes so little land-tax[1265] towards the general support of the nation, it ought not to have a militia paid out of the general fund, unless it should be thought for the general interest, that Scotland should be protected from an invasion, which no man can think will happen; for what enemy would invade Scotland, where there is nothing to be got?

No, Sir;

now that the Scotch have not the pay of English soldiers spent among them, as so many troops are sent abroad, they are trying to get money another way, by having a militia paid.

If they are afraid, and seriously desire to have an armed force to defend them, they should pay for it.

Your scheme is to retain a part of your land-tax, by making us pay and clothe your militia.'

BOSWELL.

'You should not talk of _we_ and _you_, Sir: there is now an _Union_.'

JOHNSON.

'There must be a distinction of interest, while the proportions of land-tax are so unequal.

If Yorkshire should say, "Instead of paying our land-tax, we will keep a greater number of militia," it would be unreasonable.'

In this argument my friend was certainly in the wrong.

The land-tax is as unequally proportioned between different parts of England, as between England and Scotland; nay, it is considerably unequal in Scotland itself.

But the land-tax is but a small part of the numerous branches of publick revenue, all of which Scotland pays precisely as England does.

A French invasion made in Scotland would soon penetrate into England.

He thus discoursed upon supposed obligation in settling estates:--'Where a man gets the unlimited property of an estate, there is no obligation upon him in _justice_ to leave it to one person rather than to another.

There is a motive of preference from _kindness_, and this kindness is generally entertained for the nearest relation.

If I _owe_ a particular man a sum of money, I am obliged to let that man have the next money I get, and cannot in justice let another have it: but if I owe money to no man, I may dispose of what I get as I please.

There is not a _debitum justitice_ to a man's next heir; there is only a _debitum caritatis_.

It is plain, then, that I have morally a choice, according to my liking.

If I have a brother in want, he has a claim from affection to my assistance; but if I have also a brother in want, whom I like better, he has a preferable claim.

The right of an heir at law is only this, that he is to have the succession to an estate, in case no other person is appointed to it by the owner.

His right is merely preferable to that of the King.'

We got into a boat to cross over to Black-friars; and as we moved along the Thames, I talked to him of a little volume, which, altogether unknown to him, was advertised to be published in a few days, under the title of _Johnsoniana, or Bon-Mots of Dr. Johnson_[1266].

JOHNSON, 'Sir, it is a mighty impudent thing.'

BOSWELL.

'Pray, Sir, could you have no redress if you were to prosecute a publisher for bringing out, under your name, what you never said, and ascribing to you dull stupid nonsense, or making you swear profanely, as many ignorant relaters of your _bon-mots_ do[1267]?'

JOHNSON.

'No, Sir; there will always be some truth mixed with the falsehood, and how can it be ascertained how much is true and how much is false?

Besides, Sir, what damages would a jury give me for having been represented as swearing?'

BOSWELL.

'I think, Sir, you should at least disavow such a publication, because the world and posterity might with much plausible foundation say, "Here is a volume which was publickly advertised and came out in Dr. Johnson's own time, and, by his silence, was admitted by him to be genuine."

' JOHNSON.

'I shall give myself no trouble about the matter.'

He was, perhaps, above suffering from such spurious publications; but I could not help thinking, that many men would be much injured in their reputation, by having absurd and vicious sayings imputed to them; and that redress ought in such cases to be given.

He said, 'The value of every story depends on its being true.

A story is a picture either of an individual or of human nature in general: if it be false, it is a picture of nothing.

For instance: suppose a man should tell that Johnson, before setting out for Italy, as he had to cross the Alps, sat down to make himself wings.

This many people would believe;

but it would be a picture of nothing.

----[1268] (naming a worthy friend of ours,) used to think a story, a story, till I shewed him that truth was essential to it[1269].'

I observed, that Foote entertained us with stories which were not true; but that, indeed, it was properly not as narratives that Foote's stories pleased us, but as collections of ludicrous images.

JOHNSON.

'Foote is quite impartial, for he tells lies of every body.'

The importance of strict and scrupulous veracity cannot be too often inculcated.

Johnson was known to be so rigidly attentive to it, that even in his common conversation the slightest circumstance was mentioned with exact precision[1270].

The knowledge of his having such a principle and habit made his friends have a perfect reliance on the truth of every thing that he told, however it might have been doubted if told by many others.

As an instance of this, I may mention an odd incident which he related as having happened to him one night in Fleet-street.

'A gentlewoman (said he) begged I would give her my arm to assist her in crossing the street, which I accordingly did; upon which she offered me a shilling, supposing me to be the watchman.

I perceived that she was somewhat in liquor.'

This, if told by most people, would have been thought an invention; when told by Johnson, it was believed by his friends as much as if they had seen what passed.

We landed at the Temple-stairs, where we parted.

I found him in the evening in Mrs. Williams's room.

We talked of religious orders.

He said, 'It is as unreasonable for a man to go into a Carthusian convent for fear of being immoral, as for a man to cut off his hands for fear he should steal.

There is, indeed, great resolution in the immediate act of dismembering himself; but when that is once done, he has no longer any merit: for though it is out of his power to steal, yet he may all his life be a thief in his heart.

So when a man has once become a Carthusian, he is obliged to continue so, whether he chooses it or not.

Their silence, too, is absurd.

We read in the Gospel of the apostles being sent to preach, but not to hold their tongues.

All severity that does not tend to increase good, or prevent evil, is idle.

I said to the Lady Abbess[1271] of a convent, "Madam, you are here, not for the love of virtue, but the fear of vice."

She said, "She should remember this as long as she lived."

' I thought it hard to give her this view of her situation, when she could not help it; and, indeed, I wondered at the whole of what he now said; because, both in his _Rambler_[1272] and _Idler_[1273], he treats religious austerities with much solemnity of respect[1274].

Finding him still persevering in his abstinence from wine, I ventured to speak to him of it.

--JOHNSON.

'Sir, I have no objection to a man's drinking wine, if he can do it in moderation.

I found myself apt to go to excess in it, and therefore, after having been for some time without it, on account of illness, I thought it better not to return to it[1275].

Every man is to judge for himself, according to the effects which he experiences.

One of the fathers tells us, he found fasting made him so peevish[1276] that he did not practise it.'

Though he often enlarged upon the evil of intoxication[1277], he was by no means harsh and unforgiving to those who indulged in occasional excess in wine.

One of his friends[1278], I well remember, came to sup at a tavern with him and some other gentlemen, and too plainly discovered that he had drunk too much at dinner.

When one who loved mischief, thinking to produce a severe censure, asked Johnson, a few days afterwards, 'Well, Sir, what did your friend say to you, as an apology for being in such a situation?'

Johnson answered, 'Sir, he said all that a man _should_ say: he said he was sorry for it.'

I heard him once give a very judicious practical advice upon this subject: 'A man, who has been drinking wine at all freely, should never go into a new company.

With those who have partaken of wine with him, he may be pretty well in unison; but he will probably be offensive, or appear ridiculous, to other people.'

He allowed very great influence to education.

'I do not deny, Sir, but there is some original difference in minds; but it is nothing in comparison of what is formed by education.

We may instance the science of _numbers_, which all minds are equally capable of attaining[1279]; yet we find a prodigious difference in the powers of different men, in that respect, after they are grown up, because their minds have been more or less exercised in it: and I think the same cause will explain the difference of excellence in other things, gradations admitting always some difference in the first principles[1280].'

This is a difficult subject; but it is best to hope that diligence may do a great deal.

We are _sure_ of what it can do, in increasing our mechanical force and dexterity.

I again visited him on Monday.

He took occasion to enlarge, as he often did, upon the wretchedness of a sea-life[1281].

'A ship is worse than a gaol.

There is, in a gaol, better air, better company, better conveniency of every kind; and a ship has the additional disadvantage of being in danger.

When men come to like a sea-life, they are not fit to live on land[1282].'

--'Then (said I) it would be cruel in a father to breed his son to the sea.'

JOHNSON.

'It would be cruel in a father who thinks as I do.

Men go to sea, before they know the unhappiness of that way of life; and when they have come to know it, they cannot escape from it, because it is then too late to choose another profession; as indeed is generally the case with men, when they have once engaged in any particular way of life.'

On Tuesday, March 19, which was fixed for our proposed jaunt, we met in the morning at the Somerset coffee-house in the Strand, where we were taken up by the Oxford coach.

He was accompanied by Mr. Gwyn[1283], the architect; and a gentleman of Merton College, whom we did not know, had the fourth seat.

We soon got into conversation; for it was very remarkable of Johnson, that the presence of a stranger had no restraint upon his talk.

I observed that Garrick, who was about to quit the stage, would soon have an easier life.

JOHNSON.

'I doubt that, Sir.'

BOSWELL.

'Why, Sir, he will be Atlas with the burthen off his back.'

JOHNSON.

'But I know not, Sir, if he will be so steady without his load.

However, he should never play any more, but be entirely the gentleman, and not partly the player: he should no longer subject himself to be hissed by a mob, or to be insolently treated by performers, whom he used to rule with a high hand, and who would gladly retaliate.'

BOSWELL.

'I think he should play once a year for the benefit of decayed actors, as it has been said he means to do.'

JOHNSON.

'Alas, Sir!

he will soon be a decayed actor himself.'

Johnson expressed his disapprobation of ornamental architecture, such as magnificent columns supporting a portico, or expensive pilasters supporting merely their own capitals, 'because it consumes labour disproportionate to its utility.'

For the same reason he satyrised statuary.

'Painting (said he) consumes labour not disproportionate to its effect; but a fellow will hack half a year at a block of marble to make something in stone that hardly resembles a man.

The value of statuary is owing to its difficulty.

You would not value the finest head cut upon a carrot[1284].'

Here he seemed to me to be strangely deficient in taste; for surely statuary is a noble art of imitation, and preserves a wonderful expression of the varieties of the human frame; and although it must be allowed that the circumstances of difficulty enhance the value of a marble head, we should consider, that if it requires a long time in the performance, it has a proportionate value in durability.

Gwyn was a fine lively rattling fellow.

Dr. Johnson kept him in subjection, but with a kindly authority.

The spirit of the artist, however, rose against what he thought a Gothick attack, and he made a brisk defence.

'What, Sir, will you allow no value to beauty in architecture or in statuary?

Why should we allow it then in writing?

Why do you take the trouble to give us so many fine allusions, and bright images, and elegant phrases?

You might convey all your instruction without these ornaments.'

Johnson smiled with complacency; but said, 'Why, Sir, all these ornaments are useful, because they obtain an easier reception for truth; but a building is not at all more convenient for being decorated with superfluous carved work.'

Gwyn at last was lucky enough to make one reply to Dr. Johnson, which he allowed to be excellent.

Johnson censured him for taking down a church which might have stood many years, and building a new one at a different place, for no other reason but that there might be a direct road to a new bridge; and his expression was, 'You are taking a church out of the way, that the people may go in a straight line to the bridge.'

--'No, Sir, (said Gwyn,) I am putting the church _in_ the way, that the people may not _go out of the way_.'

JOHNSON, (with a hearty loud laugh of approbation,) 'Speak no more.

Rest your colloquial fame upon this.'

Upon our arrival at Oxford, Dr. Johnson and I went directly to University College, but were disappointed on finding that one of the fellows, his friend Mr. Scott[1285], who accompanied him from Newcastle to Edinburgh, was gone to the country.

We put up at the Angel inn, and passed the evening by ourselves in easy and familiar conversation.

Talking of constitutional melancholy, he observed, 'A man so afflicted, Sir, must divert distressing thoughts, and not combat with them.'

BOSWELL.

'May not he think them down, Sir?'

JOHNSON.

'No, Sir.

To attempt to _think them down_ is madness.

He should have a lamp constantly burning in his bed-chamber during the night, and if wakefully disturbed, take a book, and read, and compose himself to rest.

To have the management of the mind is a great art, and it may be attained in a considerable degree by experience and habitual exercise.'

BOSWELL.

'Should not he provide amusements for himself?

Would it not, for instance, be right for him to take a course of chymistry?'

JOHNSON.

'Let him take a course of chymistry, or a course of rope-dancing, or a course of any thing to which he is inclined at the time.

Let him contrive to have as many retreats for his mind as he can, as many things to which it can fly from itself[1286].

Burton's _Anatomy of Melancholy_[1287] is a valuable work.

It is, perhaps, overloaded with quotation.

But there is great spirit and great power in what Burton says, when he writes from his own mind.'

Next morning we visited Dr. Wetherell, Master of University College, with whom Dr. Johnson conferred on the most advantageous mode of disposing of the books printed at the Clarendon press, on which subject his letter has been inserted in a former page[1288].

I often had occasion to remark, Johnson loved business[1289], loved to have his wisdom actually operate on real life.

Dr. Wetherell and I talked of him without reserve in his own presence.

WETHERELL.

'I would have given him a hundred guineas if he would have written a preface to his _Political Tracts_[1290], by way of a Discourse on the British Constitution.'

BOSWELL.

'Dr. Johnson, though in his writings, and upon all occasions a great friend to the constitution both in church and state, has never written expressly in support of either.

There is really a claim upon him for both.

I am sure he could give a volume of no great bulk upon each, which would comprise all the substance, and with his spirit would effectually maintain them.

He should erect a fort on the confines of each.'

I could perceive that he was displeased with this dialogue.

He burst out, 'Why should _I_ be always writing[1291]?'

I hoped he was conscious that the debt was just, and meant to discharge it, though he disliked being dunned.

We then went to Pembroke College, and waited on his old friend Dr. Adams, the master of it, whom I found to be a most polite, pleasing, communicative man.

Before his advancement to the headship of his college, I had intended to go and visit him at Shrewsbury, where he was rector of St. Chad's, in order to get from him what particulars he could recollect of Johnson's academical life.

He now obligingly gave me part of that authentick information, which, with what I afterwards owed to his kindness, will be found incorporated in its proper place in this work.

Dr. Adams had distinguished himself by an able answer to David Hume's _Essay on Miracles_.

He told me he had once dined in company with Hume in London[1292]; that Hume shook hands with him, and said, 'You have treated me much better than I deserve;' and that they exchanged visits.

I took the liberty to object to treating an infidel writer with smooth civility.

Where there is a controversy concerning a passage in a classick authour, or concerning a question in antiquities, or any other subject in which human happiness is not deeply interested, a man may treat his antagonist with politeness and even respect.

But where the controversy is concerning the truth of religion, it is of such vast importance to him who maintains it, to obtain the victory, that the person of an opponent ought not to be spared.

If a man firmly believes that religion is an invaluable treasure[1293], he will consider a writer who endeavours to deprive mankind of it as a _robber_; he will look upon him as _odious_, though the infidel might think himself in the right.

A

robber who reasons as the gang do in the _Beggar's Opera_, who call themselves _practical_ philosophers[1294], and may have as much sincerity as pernicious _speculative_ philosophers, is not the less an object of just indignation.

An abandoned profligate may think that it is not wrong to debauch my wife, but shall I, therefore, not detest him?

And if I catch him in making an attempt, shall I treat him with politeness?

No, I will kick him down stairs, or run him through the body; that is, if I really love my wife, or have a true rational notion of honour.

An infidel then shall not be treated handsomely by a Christian, merely because he endeavours to rob with ingenuity.

I do declare, however, that I am exceedingly unwilling to be provoked to anger, and could I be persuaded that truth would not suffer from a cool moderation in its defenders, I should wish to preserve good humour, at least, in every controversy; nor, indeed, do I see why a man should lose his temper while he does all he can to refute an opponent.

I think ridicule may be fairly used against an infidel; for instance, if he be an ugly fellow, and yet absurdly vain of his person[1295], we may contrast his appearance with Cicero's beautiful image of Virtue, could she be seen[1296].

Johnson coincided with me and said, 'When a man voluntarily engages in an important controversy, he is to do all he can to lessen his antagonist, because authority from personal respect has much weight with most people, and often more than reasoning[1297].

If my antagonist writes bad language, though that may not be essential to the question, I will attack him for his bad language.'

ADAMS.

'You would not jostle a chimney-sweeper.'

JOHNSON.

'Yes, Sir, if it were necessary to jostle him _down_.'

Dr. Adams told us, that in some of the Colleges at Oxford, the fellows had excluded the students from social intercourse with them in the common room[1298].

JOHNSON.

'They are in the right, Sir: there can be no real conversation, no fair exertion of mind amongst them, if the young men are by; for a man who has a character does not choose to stake it in their presence.'

BOSWELL.

'But, Sir, may there not be very good conversation without a contest for superiority?'

JOHNSON.

'No animated conversation, Sir, for it cannot be but one or other will come off superiour.

I do not mean that the victor must have the better of the argument, for he may take the weak side; but his superiority of parts and knowledge will necessarily appear: and he to whom he thus shews himself superiour is lessened in the eyes of the young men[1299].

You know it was said, "_Mallem cum Scaligero errare quam cum Clavio recte sapere_[1300]."

In the same manner take Bentley's and Jason de Nores' Comments upon Horace, you will admire Bentley more when wrong, than Jason when right.'

We walked with Dr. Adams into the master's garden, and into the common room.

JOHNSON, (after a reverie of meditation,) 'Ay!

Here I used to play at draughts with Phil.

Jones[1301] and Fludyer.

Jones loved beer, and did not get very forward in the church.

Fludyer turned out a scoundrel[1302], a Whig, and said he was ashamed of having been bred at Oxford.

He had a living at Putney, and got under the eye of some retainers to the court at that time, and so became a violent Whig: but he had been a scoundrel all along to be sure.'

BOSWELL.

'Was he a scoundrel, Sir, in any other way than that of being a political scoundrel?

Did he cheat at draughts?'

JOHNSON.

'Sir, we never played for _money_.'

He then carried me to visit Dr. Bentham, Canon of Christ-Church, and Divinity Professor, with whose learned and lively conversation we were much pleased.

He gave us an invitation to dinner, which Dr. Johnson told me was a high honour.

'Sir, it is a great thing to dine with the Canons of Christ-Church.'

We could not accept his invitation, as we were engaged to dine at University College.

We had an excellent dinner there, with the Master and Fellows, it being St. Cuthbert's day, which is kept by them as a festival, as he was a saint of Durham, with which this college is much connected[1303].

We drank tea with Dr. Home[1304], late President of Magdalen College, and Bishop of Norwich, of whose abilities, in different respects, the publick has had eminent proofs, and the esteem annexed to whose character was increased by knowing him personally.

He had talked of publishing an edition of Walton's _Lives_[1305], but had laid aside that design, upon Dr. Johnson's telling him, from mistake, that Lord Hailes intended to do it.

I had wished to negociate between Lord Hailes and him, that one or other should perform so good a work.

JOHNSON.

'In order to do it well, it will be necessary to collect all the editions of Walton's _Lives_.

By way of adapting the book to the taste of the present age, they have, in a later edition, left out a vision which he relates Dr. Donne had[1306], but it should be restored; and there should be a critical catalogue given of the works of the different persons whose lives were written by Walton, and therefore their works must be carefully read by the editor.'

We then went to Trinity College, where he introduced me to Mr. Thomas Warton, with whom we passed a part of the evening.

We talked of biography.

--JOHNSON.

'It is rarely well executed[1307].

They only who live with a man can write his life with any genuine exactness and discrimination; and few people who have lived with a man know what to remark about him.

The chaplain of a late Bishop[1308], whom I was to assist in writing some memoirs of his Lordship, could tell me scarcely any thing[1309].'

I said, Mr. Robert Dodsley's life should be written, as he had been so much connected with the wits of his time[1310], and by his literary merit had raised himself from the station of a footman.

Mr. Warton said, he had published a little volume under the title of _The Muse in Livery_ [1311].

JOHNSON.

'I doubt whether Dodsley's brother[1312] would thank a man who should write his life: yet Dodsley himself was not unwilling that his original low condition should be recollected.

When Lord Lyttelton's _Dialogues of the Dead_ came out, one of which is between Apicius, an ancient epicure, and Dartineuf, a modern epicure, Dodsley said to me, "I knew Dartineuf well, for I was once his footman[1313]."

' Biography led us to speak of Dr. John Campbell[1314], who had written a considerable part of the _Biographia Britannica_.

Johnson, though he valued him highly, was of opinion that there was not so much in his great work, _A Political Survey of Great Britain_, as the world had been taught to expect[1315]; and had said to me, that he believed Campbell's disappointment, on account of the bad success of that work, had killed him.

He this evening observed of it, 'That work was his death.'

Mr. Warton, not adverting to his meaning, answered, 'I believe so; from the great attention he bestowed on it.'

JOHNSON.

'Nay, Sir, he died of _want_ of attention, if he died at all by that book.'

We talked of a work much in vogue at that time, written in a very mellifluous style, but which, under pretext of another subject, contained much artful infidelity[1316].

I said it was not fair to attack us thus unexpectedly; he should have warned us of our danger, before we entered his garden of flowery eloquence, by advertising, 'Spring guns and men-traps set here[1317].'

The authour had been an Oxonian, and was remembered there for having 'turned Papist.'

I observed, that as he had changed several times--from the Church of England to the Church of Rome,--from the Church of Rome to infidelity,--I did not despair yet of seeing him a methodist preacher.

JOHNSON, (laughing.

) 'It is said, that his range has been more extensive, and that he has once been Mahometan[1318].

However, now that he has published his infidelity, he will probably persist in it.'

BOSWELL.

'I am not quite sure of that, Sir.'

I mentioned Sir Richard Steele having published his _Christian Hero_, with the avowed purpose of obliging himself to lead a religious life[1319], yet, that his conduct was by no means strictly suitable.

JOHNSON.

'Steele, I believe, practised the lighter vices.'

Mr. Warton, being engaged, could not sup with us at our inn; we had therefore another evening by ourselves.

I asked Johnson, whether a man's[1320] being forward to make himself known to eminent people, and seeing as much of life, and getting as much information as he could in every way, was not yet lessening himself by his forwardness.