Apologia Pro Vita Sua — 08 - Chapter 2, Part 3

* * * * * I suspect it was Dr. Pusey's influence and example which set me, and made me set others, on the larger and more careful works in defence of the principles of the Movement which followed in a course of years,--some of them demanding and receiving from their authors, such elaborate treatment that they did not make their appearance till both its temper and its fortunes had changed.

I set about a work at once; one in which was brought out with precision the relation in which we stood to the Church of Rome.

We could not move a step in comfort, till this was done.

It was of absolute necessity and a plain duty from the first, to provide as soon as possible a large statement, which would encourage and reassure our friends, and repel the attacks of our opponents.

A cry was heard on all sides of us, that the Tracts and the writings of the Fathers would lead us to become Catholics, before we were aware of it.

This was loudly expressed by members of the Evangelical party, who in 1836 had joined us in making a protest in Convocation against a memorable appointment of the Prime Minister.

These clergymen even then avowed their desire, that the next time they were brought up to Oxford to give a vote, it might be in order to put down the Popery of the Movement.

There was another reason still, and quite as important.

Monsignore Wiseman, with the acuteness and zeal which might be expected from that great Prelate, had anticipated what was coming, had returned to England by 1836, had delivered Lectures in London on the doctrines of Catholicism, and created an impression through the country, shared in by ourselves, that we had for our opponents in controversy, not only our brethren, but our hereditary foes.

These were the circumstances, which led to my publication of "The Prophetical office of the Church viewed relatively to Romanism and Popular Protestantism."

This work employed me for three years, from the beginning of 1834 to the end of 1836, and was published in 1837. It was composed, after a careful consideration and comparison of the principal Anglican divines of the 17th century.

It was first written in the shape of controversial correspondence with a learned French Priest; then it was re-cast, and delivered in Lectures at St. Mary's; lastly, with considerable retrenchments and additions, it was rewritten for publication.

It attempts to trace out the rudimental lines on which Christian faith and teaching proceed, and to use them as means of determining the relation of the Roman and Anglican systems to each other.

In this way it shows that to confuse the two together is impossible, and that the Anglican can be as little said to tend to the Roman, as the Roman to the Anglican.

The spirit of the Volume is not so gentle to the Church of Rome, as Tract 71 published the year before; on the contrary, it is very fierce; and this I attribute to the circumstance that the Volume is theological and didactic, whereas the Tract, being controversial, assumes as little and grants as much as possible on the points in dispute, and insists on points of agreement as well as of difference.

A

further and more direct reason is, that in my Volume I deal with "Romanism" (as I call it), not so much in its formal decrees and in the substance of its creed, as in its traditional action and its authorized teaching as represented by its prominent writers;--whereas the Tract is written as if discussing the differences of the Churches with a view to a reconciliation between them.

There is a further reason too, which I will state presently.

But this Volume had a larger scope than that of opposing the Roman system.

It was an attempt at commencing a system of theology on the Anglican idea, and based upon Anglican authorities.

Mr. Palmer, about the same time, was projecting a work of a similar nature in his own way.

It was published, I think, under the title, "A Treatise on the Christian Church."

As was to be expected from the author, it was a most learned, most careful composition; and in its form, I should say, polemical.

So happily at least did he follow the logical method of the Roman Schools, that Father Perrone in his Treatise on dogmatic theology, recognized in him a combatant of the true cast, and saluted him as a foe worthy of being vanquished.

Other soldiers in that field he seems to have thought little better than the _Lanzknechts_ of the middle ages, and, I dare say, with very good reason.

When I knew that excellent and kind-hearted man at Rome at a later time, he allowed me to put him to ample penance for those light thoughts of me, which he had once had, by encroaching on his valuable time with my theological questions.

As to Mr. Palmer's book, it was one which no Anglican could write but himself,--in no sense, if I recollect aright, a tentative work.

The ground of controversy was cut into squares, and then every objection had its answer.

This is the proper method to adopt in teaching authoritatively young men; and the work in fact was intended for students in theology.

My own book, on the other hand, was of a directly tentative and empirical character.

I wished to build up an Anglican theology out of the stores which already lay cut and hewn upon the ground, the past toil of great divines.

To do this could not be the work of one man; much less, could it be at once received into Anglican theology, however well it was done.

This I fully recognized; and, while I trusted that my statements of doctrine would turn out to be true and important, still I wrote, to use the common phrase, "under correction."

There was another motive for my publishing, of a personal nature, which I think I should mention.

I felt then, and all along felt, that there was an intellectual cowardice in not finding a basis in reason for my belief, and a moral cowardice in not avowing that basis.

I should have felt myself less than a man, if I did not bring it out, whatever it was.

This is one principal reason why I wrote and published the "Prophetical Office."

It was from the same feeling, that in the spring of 1836, at a meeting of residents on the subject of the struggle then proceeding against a Whig appointment, when some one wanted us all merely to act on college and conservative grounds (as I understood him), with as few published statements as possible, I answered, that the person whom we were resisting had committed himself in writing, and that we ought to commit ourselves too.

This again was a main reason for the publication of Tract 90. Alas!

it was my portion for whole years to remain without any satisfactory basis for my religious profession, in a state of moral sickness, neither able to acquiesce in Anglicanism, nor able to go to Rome.

But I bore it, till in course of time my way was made clear to me.

If here it be objected to me, that as time went on, I often in my writings hinted at things which I did not fully bring out, I submit for consideration whether this occurred except when I was in great difficulties, how to speak, or how to be silent, with due regard for the position of mind or the feelings of others.

However, I may have an opportunity to say more on this subject.

But to return to the "Prophetical Office."

I thus speak in the Introduction to my Volume:-- "It is proposed," I say, "to offer helps towards the formation of a recognized Anglican theology in one of its departments.

The present state of our divinity is as follows: the most vigorous, the clearest, the most fertile minds, have through God's mercy been employed in the service of our Church: minds too as reverential and holy, and as fully imbued with Ancient Truth, and as well versed in the writings of the Fathers, as they were intellectually gifted.

This is God's great mercy indeed, for which we must ever be thankful.

Primitive doctrine has been explored for us in every direction, and the original principles of the Gospel and the Church patiently brought to light.

But one thing is still wanting: our champions and teachers have lived in stormy times: political and other influences have acted upon them variously in their day, and have since obstructed a careful consolidation of their judgments.

We have a vast inheritance, but no inventory of our treasures.

All is given us in profusion; it remains for us to catalogue, sort, distribute, select, harmonize, and complete.

We have more than we know how to use; stores of learning, but little that is precise and serviceable; Catholic truth and individual opinion, first principles and the guesses of genius, all mingled in the same works, and requiring to be discriminated.

We meet with truths overstated or misdirected, matters of detail variously taken, facts incompletely proved or applied, and rules inconsistently urged or discordantly interpreted.

Such indeed is the state of every deep philosophy in its first stages, and therefore of theological knowledge.

What we need at present for our Church's well-being, is not invention, nor originality, nor sagacity, nor even learning in our divines, at least in the first place, though all gifts of God are in a measure needed, and never can be unseasonable when used religiously, but we need peculiarly a sound judgment, patient thought, discrimination, a comprehensive mind, an abstinence from all private fancies and caprices and personal tastes,--in a word, Divine Wisdom."

The subject of the Volume is the doctrine of the _Via Media_, a name which had already been applied to the Anglican system by writers of repute.

It is an expressive title, but not altogether satisfactory, because it is at first sight negative.

This had been the reason of my dislike to the word "Protestant;" viz.

it did not denote the profession of any particular religion at all, and was compatible with infidelity.

A

_Via Media_ was but a receding from extremes,--therefore it needed to be drawn out into a definite shape and character: before it could have claims on our respect, it must first be shown to be one, intelligible, and consistent.

This was the first condition of any reasonable treatise on the _Via Media_.

The second condition, and necessary too, was not in my power.

I could only hope that it would one day be fulfilled.

Even if the _Via Media_ were ever so positive a religious system, it was not as yet objective and real; it had no original any where of which it was the representative.

It was at present a paper religion.

This I confess in my Introduction; I say, "Protestantism and Popery are real religions ...

but the _Via Media_, viewed as an integral system, has scarcely had existence except on paper."

I grant the objection, though I endeavour to lessen it:--"It still remains to be tried, whether what is called Anglo-Catholicism, the religion of Andrewes, Laud, Hammond, Butler, and Wilson, is capable of being professed, acted on, and maintained on a large sphere of action, or whether it be a mere modification or transition-state of either Romanism or popular Protestantism."

I trusted that some day it would prove to be a substantive religion.

Lest I should be misunderstood, let me observe that this hesitation about the validity of the theory of the _Via Media_ implied no doubt of the three fundamental points on which it was based, as I have described them above, dogma, the sacramental system, and anti-Romanism.

Other investigations which had to be followed up were of a still more tentative character.

The basis of the _Via Media_, consisting of the three elementary points, which I have just mentioned, was clear enough;

but, not only had the house itself to be built upon them, but it had also to be furnished, and it is not wonderful if, after building it, both I and others erred in detail in determining what its furniture should be, what was consistent with the style of building, and what was in itself desirable.

I will explain what I mean.

I had brought out in the "Prophetical Office" in what the Roman and the Anglican systems differed from each other, but less distinctly in what they agreed.

I had indeed enumerated the Fundamentals, common to both, in the following passage:--"In both systems the same Creeds are acknowledged.

Besides other points in common, we both hold, that certain doctrines are necessary to be believed for salvation; we both believe in the doctrines of the Trinity, Incarnation, and Atonement; in original sin; in the necessity of regeneration; in the supernatural grace of the Sacraments; in the Apostolical succession; in the obligation of faith and obedience, and in the eternity of future punishment,"--pp. 55, 56. So much I had said, but I had not said enough.

This enumeration implied a great many more points of agreement than were found in those very Articles which were fundamental.

If the two Churches were thus the same in fundamentals, they were also one and the same in such plain consequences as were contained in those fundamentals and in such natural observances as outwardly represented them.

It was an Anglican principle that "the abuse of a thing doth not take away the lawful use of it;" and an Anglican Canon in 1603 had declared that the English Church had no purpose to forsake all that was held in the Churches of Italy, France, and Spain, and reverenced those ceremonies and particular points which were Apostolic.

Excepting then such exceptional matters, as are implied in this avowal, whether they were many or few, all these Churches were evidently to be considered as one with the Anglican.

The Catholic Church in all lands had been one from the first for many centuries; then, various portions had followed their own way to the injury, but not to the destruction, whether of truth or of charity.

These portions or branches were mainly three:--the Greek, Latin, and Anglican.

Each of these inherited the early undivided Church _in solido_ as its own possession.

Each branch was identical with that early undivided Church, and in the unity of that Church it had unity with the other branches.

The three branches agreed together in _all but_ their later accidental errors.

Some branches had retained in detail portions of Apostolical truth and usage, which the others had not; and these portions might be and should be appropriated again by the others which had let them slip.

Thus, the middle age belonged to the Anglican Church, and much more did the middle age of England.

The Church of the 12th century was the Church of the 19th.

Dr. Howley sat in the seat of St. Thomas the Martyr; Oxford was a medieval University.

Saving our engagements to Prayer Book and Articles, we might breathe and live and act and speak, as in the atmosphere and climate of Henry III.'

s day, or the Confessor's, or of Alfred's. And we ought to be indulgent to all that Rome taught now, as to what Rome taught then, saving our protest.

We might boldly welcome, even what we did not ourselves think right to adopt.

And, when we were obliged on the contrary boldly to denounce, we should do so with pain, not with exultation.

By very reason of our protest, which we had made, and made _ex animo_, we could agree to differ.

What the members of the Bible Society did on the basis of Scripture, we could do on the basis of the Church; Trinitarian and Unitarian were further apart than Roman and Anglican.

Thus we had a real wish to co-operate with Rome in all lawful things, if she would let us, and if the rules of our own Church let us;

and we thought there was no better way towards the restoration of doctrinal purity and unity.

And we thought that Rome was not committed by her formal decrees to all that she actually taught: and again, if her disputants had been unfair to us, or her rulers tyrannical, we bore in mind that on our side too there had been rancour and slander in our controversial attacks upon her, and violence in our political measures.

As to ourselves being direct instruments in improving her belief or practice, I used to say, "Look at home; let us first, (or at least let us the while,) supply our own shortcomings, before we attempt to be physicians to any one else."

This is very much the spirit of Tract 71, to which I referred just now.

I am well aware that there is a paragraph inconsistent with it in the Prospectus to the Library of the Fathers;

but I do not consider myself responsible for it.

Indeed, I have no intention whatever of implying that Dr. Pusey concurred in the ecclesiastical theory, which I have been now drawing out; nor that I took it up myself except by degrees in the course of ten years.

It was necessarily the growth of time.

In fact, hardly any two persons, who took part in the Movement, agreed in their view of the limit to which our general principles might religiously be carried.

And now I have said enough on what I consider to have been the general objects of the various works, which I wrote, edited, or prompted in the years which I am reviewing.

I wanted to bring out in a substantive form a living Church of England, in a position proper to herself, and founded on distinct principles; as far as paper could do it, as far as earnestly preaching it and influencing others towards it, could tend to make it a fact;--a living Church, made of flesh and blood, with voice, complexion, and motion and action, and a will of its own.

I believe I had no private motive, and no personal aim.

Nor did I ask for more than "a fair stage and no favour," nor expect the work would be accomplished in my days;

but I thought that enough would be secured to continue it in the future, under, perhaps, more hopeful circumstances and prospects than the present.

I will mention in illustration some of the principal works, doctrinal and historical, which originated in the object which I have stated.

I wrote my Essay on Justification in 1837; it was aimed at the Lutheran dictum that justification by faith only was the cardinal doctrine of Christianity.

I considered that this doctrine was either a paradox or a truism,--a paradox in Luther's mouth, a truism in Melanchthon's. I

thought that the Anglican Church followed Melanchthon, and that in consequence between Rome and Anglicanism, between high Church and low Church, there was no real intellectual difference on the point.

I wished to fill up a ditch, the work of man.

In this Volume again, I express my desire to build up a system of theology out of the Anglican divines, and imply that my dissertation was a tentative Inquiry.

I speak in the Preface of "offering suggestions towards a work, which must be uppermost in the mind of every true son of the English Church at this day,--the consolidation of a theological system, which, built upon those formularies, to which all clergymen are bound, may tend to inform, persuade, and absorb into itself religious minds, which hitherto have fancied, that, on the peculiar Protestant questions, they were seriously opposed to each other."

--P.

vii.

In my University Sermons there is a series of discussions upon the subject of Faith and Reason; these again were the tentative commencement of a grave and necessary work, viz.

an inquiry into the ultimate basis of religious faith, prior to the distinction into Creeds.

In like manner in a Pamphlet, which I published in the summer of 1838, is an attempt at placing the doctrine of the Real Presence on an intellectual basis.

The fundamental idea is consonant to that to which I had been so long attached: it is the denial of the existence of space except as a subjective idea of our minds.

The Church of the Fathers is one of the earliest productions of the Movement, and appeared in numbers in the British Magazine, being written with the aim of introducing the religious sentiments, views, and customs of the first ages into the modern Church of England.

The Translation of Fleury's Church History was commenced under these circumstances:--I was fond of Fleury for a reason which I express in the Advertisement; because it presented a sort of photograph of ecclesiastical history without any comment upon it.

In the event, that simple representation of the early centuries had a good deal to do with unsettling me in my Anglicanism; but how little I could anticipate this, will be seen in the fact that the publication of Fleury was a favourite scheme with Mr. Rose.

He proposed it to me twice, between the years 1834 and 1837; and I mention it as one out of many particulars curiously illustrating how truly my change of opinion arose, not from foreign influences, but from the working of my own mind, and the accidents around me.

The date, from which the portion actually translated began, was determined by the Publisher on reasons with which we were not concerned.

Another historical work, but drawn from original sources, was given to the world by my old friend Mr. Bowden, being a Life of Pope Gregory VII.

I need scarcely recall to those who have read it, the power and the liveliness of the narrative.

This composition was the author's relaxation, on evenings and in his summer vacations, from his ordinary engagements in London.

It had been suggested to him originally by me, at the instance of Hurrell Froude.

The Series of the Lives of the English Saints was projected at a later period, under circumstances which I shall have in the sequel to describe.

Those beautiful compositions have nothing in them, as far as I recollect, simply inconsistent with the general objects which I have been assigning to my labours in these years, though the immediate occasion which led to them, and the tone in which they were written, had little that was congenial with Anglicanism.

At a comparatively early date I drew up the Tract on the Roman Breviary.

It frightened my own friends on its first appearance; and several years afterwards, when younger men began to translate for publication the four volumes _in extenso_, they were dissuaded from doing so by advice to which from a sense of duty they listened.

It was an apparent accident, which introduced me to the knowledge of that most wonderful and most attractive monument of the devotion of saints.

On Hurrell Froude's death, in 1836, I was asked to select one of his books as a keepsake.

I

selected Butler's Analogy; finding that it had been already chosen, I looked with some perplexity along the shelves as they stood before me, when an intimate friend at my elbow said, "Take that."

It was the Breviary which Hurrell had had with him at Barbadoes.

Accordingly I took it, studied it, wrote my Tract from it, and have it on my table in constant use till this day.

That dear and familiar companion, who thus put the Breviary into my hands, is still in the Anglican Church.

So, too, is that early venerated long-loved friend, together with whom I edited a work which, more perhaps than any other, caused disturbance and annoyance in the Anglican world,--Froude's Remains; yet, however judgments might run as to the prudence of publishing it, I never heard any one impute to Mr. Keble the very shadow of dishonesty or treachery towards his Church in so acting.

The annotated Translation of the Treatises of St. Athanasius was of course in no sense of a tentative character; it belongs to another order of thought.

This historico-dogmatic work employed me for years.

I had made preparations for following it up with a doctrinal history of the heresies which succeeded to the Arian.

I should make mention also of the British Critic.

I was Editor of it for three years, from July 1838 to July 1841. My writers belonged to various schools, some to none at all.

The subjects are various,--classical, academical, political, critical, and artistic, as well as theological, and upon the Movement none are to be found which do not keep quite clear of advocating the cause of Rome.

* * * * * So I went on for years up to 1841. It was, in a human point of view, the happiest time of my life.

I was truly at home.

I had in one of my volumes appropriated to myself the words of Bramhall, "Bees, by the instinct of nature, do love their hives, and birds their nests."

I did not suppose that such sunshine would last, though I knew not what would be its termination.

It was the time of plenty, and, during its seven years, I tried to lay up as much as I could for the dearth which was to follow it.

We prospered and spread.

I have spoken of the doings of these years, since I was a Catholic, in a passage, part of which I will here quote: "From beginnings so small," I said, "from elements of thought so fortuitous, with prospects so unpromising, the Anglo-Catholic party suddenly became a power in the National Church, and an object of alarm to her rulers and friends.

Its originators would have found it difficult to say what they aimed at of a practical kind: rather, they put forth views and principles for their own sake, because they were true, as if they were obliged to say them; and, as they might be themselves surprised at their earnestness in uttering them, they had as great cause to be surprised at the success which attended their propagation.

And, in fact, they could only say that those doctrines were in the air; that to assert was to prove, and that to explain was to persuade; and that the Movement in which they were taking part was the birth of a crisis rather than of a place.

In a very few years a school of opinion was formed, fixed in its principles, indefinite and progressive in their range; and it extended itself into every part of the country.

If we inquire what the world thought of it, we have still more to raise our wonder; for, not to mention the excitement it caused in England, the Movement and its party-names were known to the police of Italy and to the back-woodmen of America.

And so it proceeded, getting stronger and stronger every year, till it came into collision with the Nation, and that Church of the Nation, which it began by professing especially to serve."

The greater its success, the nearer was that collision at hand.

The first threatenings of what was coming were heard in 1838. At that time, my Bishop in a Charge made some light animadversions, but they _were_ animadversions, on the Tracts for the Times.

At once I offered to stop them.

What took place on the occasion I prefer to state in the words, in which I related it in a Pamphlet addressed to him in a later year, when the blow actually came down upon me.

"In your Lordship's Charge for 1838," I said, "an allusion was made to the Tracts for the Times.

Some opponents of the Tracts said that you treated them with undue indulgence....

I wrote to the Archdeacon on the subject, submitting the Tracts entirely to your Lordship's disposal.

What I thought about your Charge will appear from the words I then used to him.

I said, 'A Bishop's lightest word _ex cathedrâ_ is heavy.

His judgment on a book cannot be light.

It is a rare occurrence.'

And I offered to withdraw any of the Tracts over which I had control, if I were informed which were those to which your Lordship had objections.

I

afterwards wrote to your Lordship to this effect, that 'I trusted I might say sincerely, that I should feel a more lively pleasure in knowing that I was submitting myself to your Lordship's expressed judgment in a matter of that kind, than I could have even in the widest circulation of the volumes in question.'

Your Lordship did not think it necessary to proceed to such a measure, but I felt, and always have felt, that, if ever you determined on it, I was bound to obey."

That day at length came, and I conclude this portion of my narrative, with relating the circumstances of it.