Bacon — 18 - Chapter 9B

The book by which English readers, from his own time to ours, have known him best, better than by the originality and the eloquence of the _Advancement_, or than by the political weight and historical imagination of the _History of Henry VII.

_, is the first book which he published, the volume of _Essays_.

It is an instance of his self-willed but most skilful use of the freedom and ease which the "modern language," which he despised, gave him.

It is obvious that he might have expanded these "Counsels, moral and political," to the size which such essays used to swell to after his time.

Many people would have thanked him for doing so; and some have thought it a good book on which to hang their own reflections and illustrations.

But he saw how much could be done by leaving the beaten track of set treatise and discourse, and setting down unceremoniously the observations which he had made, and the real rules which he had felt to be true, on various practical matters which come home to men's "business and bosoms."

He was very fond of these moral and political generalisations, both of his own collecting and as found in writers who, he thought, had the right to make them, like the Latins of the Empire and the Italians and Spaniards of the Renaissance.

But a mere string of maxims and quotations would have been a poor thing and not new; and he cast what he had to say into connected wholes.

But nothing can be more loose than the structure of the essays.

There is no art, no style, almost, except in a few--the political ones--no order: thoughts are put down and left unsupported, unproved, undeveloped.

In the first form of the ten, which composed the first edition of 1597, they are more like notes of analysis or tables of contents; they are austere even to meagreness.

But the general character continues in the enlarged and expanded ones of Bacon's later years.

They are like chapters in Aristotle's Ethics and Rhetoric on virtues and characters; only Bacon's takes Aristotle's broad marking lines as drawn, and proceeds with the subtler and more refined observations of a much longer and wider experience.

But these short papers say what they have to say without preface, and in literary undress, without a superfluous word, without the joints and bands of structure; they say it in brief, rapid sentences, which come down, sentence after sentence, like the strokes of a great hammer.

No wonder that in their disdainful brevity they seem rugged and abrupt, "and do not seem to end, but fall."

But with their truth and piercingness and delicacy of observation, their roughness gives a kind of flavour which no elaboration could give.

It is none the less that their wisdom is of a somewhat cynical kind, fully alive to the slipperiness and self-deceits and faithlessness which are in the world and rather inclined to be amused at them.

In some we can see distinct records of the writer's own experience: one contains the substance of a charge delivered to Judge Hutton on his appointment;

another of them is a sketch drawn from life of a character which had crossed Bacon's path, and in the essay on _Seeming Wise_ we can trace from the impatient notes put down in his _Commentarius Solutus_, the picture of the man who stood in his way, the Attorney-General Hobart.

Some of them are memorable oracular utterances not inadequate to the subject, on _Truth_ or _Death_ or _Unity_.

Others reveal an utter incapacity to come near a subject, except as a strange external phenomena, like the essay on _Love_.

There is a distinct tendency in them to the Italian school of political and moral wisdom, the wisdom of distrust and of reliance on indirect and roundabout ways.

There is a group of them, "of _Delays_," "of _Cunning_," "of _Wisdom for a Man's Self_," "of _Despatch_," which show how vigilantly and to what purpose he had watched the treasurers and secretaries and intriguers of Elizabeth's and James's Courts; and there are curious self-revelations, as in the essay on _Friendship_.

But there are also currents of better and larger feeling, such as those which show his own ideal of "_Great Place_," and what he felt of its dangers and duties.

And mixed with the fantastic taste and conceits of the time, there is evidence in them of Bacon's keen delight in nature, in the beauty and scents of flowers, in the charm of open-air life, as in the essay on _Gardens_, "The purest of human pleasures, the greatest refreshment to the spirits of man."

But he had another manner of writing for what he held to be his more serious work.

In the philosophical and historical works there is no want of attention to the flow and order and ornament of composition.

When we come to the _Advancement of Learning_, we come to a book which is one of the landmarks of what high thought and rich imagination have made of the English language.

It is the first great book in English prose of secular interest; the first book which can claim a place beside the _Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity_.

As regards its subject-matter, it has been partly thrown into the shade by the greatly enlarged and elaborate form in which it ultimately appeared, in a Latin dress, as the first portion of the scheme of the _Instauratio_, the _De Augmentis Scientiarum_.

Bacon looked on it as a first effort, a kind of call-bell to awaken and attract the interest of others in the thoughts and hopes which so interested himself.

But it contains some of his finest writing.

In the _Essays_ he writes as a looker-on at the game of human affairs, who, according to his frequent illustration, sees more of it than the gamesters themselves, and is able to give wiser and faithful counsel, not without a touch of kindly irony at the mistakes which he observes.

In the _Advancement_ he is the enthusiast for a great cause and a great hope, and all that he has of passion and power is enlisted in the effort to advance it.

The _Advancement_ is far from being a perfect book.

As a survey of the actual state of knowledge in his day, of its deficiencies, and what was wanted to supply them, it is not even up to the materials of the time.

Even the improved _De Augmentis_ is inadequate; and there is reason to think the _Advancement_ was a hurried book, at least in the later part, and it is defective in arrangement and proportion of parts.

Two of the great divisions of knowledge--history and poetry--are despatched in comparatively short chapters; while in the division on "Civil Knowledge," human knowledge as it respects society, he inserts a long essay, obviously complete in itself and clumsily thrust in here, on the ways of getting on in the world, the means by which a man may be "_Faber fortunæ suæ_"--the architect of his own success; too lively a picture to be pleasant of the arts with which he had become acquainted in the process of rising.

The book, too, has the blemishes of its own time; its want of simplicity, its inevitable though very often amusing and curious pedantries.

But the _Advancement_ was the first of a long line of books which have attempted to teach English readers how to think of knowledge; to make it really and intelligently the interest, not of the school or the study or the laboratory only, but of society at large.

It was a book with a purpose, new then, but of which we have seen the fulfilment.

He wanted to impress on his generation, as a very practical matter, all that knowledge might do in wise hands, all that knowledge had lost by the faults and errors of men and the misfortunes of time, all that knowledge might be pushed to in all directions by faithful and patient industry and well-planned methods for the elevation and benefit of man in his highest capacities as well as in his humblest.

And he further sought to teach them _how_ to know; to make them understand that difficult achievement of self-knowledge, to know _what it is_ to know;

to give the first attempted chart to guide them among the shallows and rocks and whirlpools which beset the course and action of thought and inquiry; to reveal to them the "idols" which unconsciously haunt the minds of the strongest as well as the weakest, and interpose their delusions when we are least aware--"the fallacies and false appearances inseparable from our nature and our condition of life."

To induce men to believe not only that there was much to know that was not yet dreamed of, but that the way of knowing needed real and thorough improvement;

that the knowing mind bore along with it all kinds of snares and disqualifications of which it is unconscious; and that it needed training quite as much as materials to work on, was the object of the _Advancement_.

It was but a sketch; but it was a sketch so truly and forcibly drawn, that it made an impression which has never been weakened.

To us its use and almost its interest is passed.

But it is a book which we can never open without coming on some noble interpretation of the realities of nature or the mind; some unexpected discovery of that quick and keen eye which arrests us by its truth; some felicitous and unthought-of illustration, yet so natural as almost to be doomed to become a commonplace; some bright touch of his incorrigible imaginativeness, ever ready to force itself in amid the driest details of his argument.

The _Advancement_ was only one shape out of many into which he cast his thoughts.

Bacon was not easily satisfied with his work; even when he published he did so, not because he had brought his work to the desired point, but lest anything should happen to him and it should "perish."

Easy and unstudied as his writing seems, it was, as we have seen, the result of unintermitted trouble and varied modes of working.

He was quite as much a talker as a writer, and beat out his thoughts into shape in talking.

In the essay on _Friendship_ he describes the process with a vividness which tells of his own experience-- "But before you come to that [the faithful counsel that a man receiveth from his friend], certain it is that whosoever hath his mind fraught with many thoughts, his wits and understanding do clarify and break up in the communicating and discoursing with another.

He tosseth his thoughts more easily; he marshalleth them more orderly; he seeth how they look when they are turned into words; finally, he waxeth wiser than himself, and that more by an hour's discourse than by a day's meditation.

It was well said by Themistocles to the King of Persia, 'That speech was like cloth of arras opened and put abroad, whereby the imagery doth appear in figure; whereas in thought they lie in packs.'

Neither is this second fruit of friendship, in opening the understanding, restrained only to such friends as are able to give a man counsel.

(They are, indeed, best.

) But even without that, a man learneth of himself, and bringeth his own thoughts to light, and whetteth his wits against a stone which itself cuts not.

In a word, a man were better relate himself to a _statua_ or a picture, than to suffer his thoughts to pass in smother."

Bacon, as has been said, was a great maker of notes and note-books: he was careful not of the thought only, but of the very words in which it presented itself; everything was collected that might turn out useful in his writing or speaking, down to alternative modes of beginning or connecting or ending a sentence.

He watched over his intellectual appliances and resources much more strictly than over his money concerns.

He never threw away and never forgot what could be turned to account.

He was never afraid of repeating himself, if he thought he had something apt to say.

He was never tired of recasting and rewriting, from a mere fragment or preface to a finished paper.

He has favourite images, favourite maxims, favourite texts, which he cannot do without.

"_Da Fidei quæ sunt Fidei_" comes in from his first book to his last.

The illustrations which he gets from the myth of Scylla, from Atalanta's ball, from Borgia's saying about the French marking their lodgings with chalk, the saying that God takes delight, like the "innocent play of children," "to hide his works in order to have them found out," and to have kings as "his playfellows in that game," these, with many others, reappear, however varied the context, from the first to the last of his compositions.

An edition of Bacon, with marginal references and parallel passages, would show a more persistent recurrence of characteristic illustrations and sentences than perhaps any other writer.

The _Advancement_ was followed by attempts to give serious effect to its lesson.

This was nearly all done in Latin.

He did so, because in these works he spoke to a larger and, as he thought, more interested audience;

the use of Latin marked the gravity of his subject as one that touched all mankind; and the majesty of Latin suited his taste and his thoughts.

Bacon spoke, indeed, impressively on the necessity of entering into the realm of knowledge in the spirit of a little child.

He dwelt on the paramount importance of beginning from the very bottom of the scale of fact, of understanding the commonplace things at our feet, so full of wonder and mystery and instruction, before venturing on theories.

The sun is not polluted by shining on a dunghill, and no facts were too ignoble to be beneath the notice of the true student of nature.

But his own genius was for the grandeur and pomp of general views.

The practical details of experimental science were, except in partial instances, yet a great way off; and what there was, he either did not care about or really understand, and had no aptitude for handling.

He knew enough to give reality to his argument; he knew, and insisted on it, that the labour of observation and experiment would have to be very heavy and quite indispensable.

But his own business was with great principles and new truths; these were what had the real attraction for him; it was the magnificent thoughts and boundless hopes of the approaching "kingdom of man" which kindled his imagination and fired his ambition.

"He writes philosophy," said Harvey, who had come to his own great discovery through patient and obscure experiments on frogs and monkeys--"he writes philosophy like a Lord Chancellor."

And for this part of the work, the stateliness and dignity of the Latin corresponded to the proud claims which he made for his conception of the knowledge which was to be.

English seemed to him too homely to express the hopes of the world, too unstable to be trusted with them.

Latin was the language of command and law.

His Latin, without enslaving itself to Ciceronian types, and with a free infusion of barbarous but most convenient words from the vast and ingenious terminology of the schoolmen, is singularly forcible and expressive.

It is almost always easy and clear; it can be vague and general, and it can be very precise where precision is wanted.

It can, on occasion, be magnificent, and its gravity is continually enlivened by the play upon it, as upon a background, of his picturesque and unexpected fancies.

The exposition of his philosophical principles was attempted in two forms.

He began in English.

He began, in the shape of a personal account, a statement of a series of conclusions to which his thinking had brought him, which he called the "Clue of the Labyrinth," _Filum Labyrinthi_.

But he laid this aside unfinished, and rewrote and completed it in Latin, with the title _Cogitata et Visa_.

It gains by being in Latin; as Mr. Spedding says, "it must certainly be reckoned among the most perfect of Bacon's productions."

The personal form with each paragraph begins and ends.

"_Franciscus Bacon sic cogitavit_ ...

_itaque visum est ei_" gives to it a special tone of serious conviction, and brings the interest of the subject more keenly to the reader.

It has the same kind of personal interest, only more solemn and commanding, which there is in Descartes's _Discours de la Méthode_.

In this form Bacon meant at first to publish.

He sent it to his usual critics, Sir Thomas Bodley, Toby Matthews, and Bishop Andrewes.

And he meant to follow it up with a practical exemplification of his method.

But he changed his plan.

He had more than once expressed his preference for the form of _aphorisms_ over the argumentative and didactic continuity of a set discourse.

He had, indeed, already twice begun a series of aphorisms on the true methods of interpreting nature, and directing the mind in the true path of knowledge, and had begun them with the same famous aphorism with which the _Novum Organum_ opens.

He now reverted to the form of the aphorism, and resolved to throw the materials of the _Cogitata et Visa_ into this shape.

The result is the _Novum Organum_.

It contains, with large additions, the substance of the treatise, but broken up and rearranged in the new form of separate impersonal generalised observations.

The points and assertions and issues which, in a continuous discourse, careful readers mark and careless ones miss, are one by one picked out and brought separately to the light.

It begins with brief, oracular, unproved maxims and propositions, and goes on gradually into larger developments and explanations.

The aphorisms are meant to strike, to awaken questions, to disturb prejudices, to let in light into a nest of unsuspected intellectual confusions and self-misunderstandings, to be the mottoes and watchwords of many a laborious and difficult inquiry.

They form a connected and ordered chain, though the ties between each link are not given.

In this way Bacon put forth his proclamation of war on all that then called itself science; his announcement that the whole work of solid knowledge must be begun afresh, and by a new, and, as he thought, infallible method.

On this work Bacon concentrated all his care.

It was twelve years in hand, and twelve times underwent his revision.

"In the first book especially," says Mr. Ellis, "every word seems to have been carefully weighed; and it would be hard to omit or change anything without injuring the meaning which Bacon intended to convey."

Severe as it is, it is instinct with enthusiasm, sometimes with passion.

The Latin in which it is written answers to it; it has the conciseness, the breadth, the lordliness of a great piece of philosophical legislation.

The world has agreed to date from Bacon the systematic reform of natural philosophy, the beginning of an intelligent attempt, which has been crowned by such signal success, to place the investigation of nature on a solid foundation.

On purely scientific grounds his title to this great honour may require considerable qualification.

What one thing, it is asked, would not have been discovered in the age of Galileo and Harvey, if Bacon had never written?

What one scientific discovery can be traced to him, or to the observance of his peculiar rules?

It was something, indeed, to have conceived, as clearly as he conceived it, the large and comprehensive idea of what natural knowledge must be, and must rest upon, even if he were not able to realise his idea, and were mistaken in his practical methods of reform.

But great ideas and great principles need their adequate interpreter, their _vates sacer_, if they are to influence the history of mankind.

This was what Bacon was to science, to that great change in the thoughts and activity of men in relation to the world of nature around them: and this is his title to the great place assigned to him.

He not only understood and felt what science might be, but he was able to make others--and it was no easy task beforehand, while the wonders of discovery were yet in the future--understand and feel it too.

And he was able to do this because he was one of the most wonderful of thinkers and one of the greatest of writers.

The disclosure, the interpretation, the development of that great intellectual revolution which was in the air, and which was practically carried forward in obscurity, day by day, by the fathers of modern astronomy and chemistry and physiology, had fallen to the task of a genius, second only to Shakespeare.

He had the power to tell the story of what they were doing and were to do with a force of imaginative reason of which they were utterly incapable.

He was able to justify their attempts and their hopes as they themselves could not.

He was able to interest the world in the great prospects opening on it, but of which none but a few students had the key.

The calculations of the astronomer, the investigations of the physician, were more or less a subject of talk, as curious or possibly useful employments.

But that which bound them together in the unity of science, which gave them their meaning beyond themselves, which raised them to a higher level and gave them their real dignity among the pursuits of men, which forced all thinking men to see what new and unsuspected possibilities in the knowledge and in the condition of mankind were opened before them, was not Bacon's own attempts at science, not even his collections of facts and his rules of method, but that great idea of the reality and boundless worth of knowledge which Bacon's penetrating and sure intuition had discerned, and which had taken possession of his whole nature.

The impulse which he gave to the progress of science came from his magnificent and varied exposition of this idea; from his series of grand and memorable generalisations on the habits and faults of the human mind--on the difficult and yet so obvious and so natural precautions necessary to guide it in the true and hopeful track.

It came from the attractiveness, the enthusiasm, and the persuasiveness of the pleading; from the clear and forcible statements, the sustained eloquence, the generous hopes, the deep and earnest purpose of the _Advancement_ and the _De Augmentis_; from the nobleness, the originality, the picturesqueness, the impressive and irresistible truth of the great aphorisms of the _Novum Organum_.

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