Bacon — 03 - Chapter 2A

CHAPTER II. BACON AND ELIZABETH.

The last decade of the century, and almost of Elizabeth's reign (1590-1600), was an eventful one to Bacon's fortunes.

In it the vision of his great design disclosed itself more and more to his imagination and hopes, and with more and more irresistible fascination.

In it he made his first literary venture, the first edition of his _Essays_ (1597), ten in number, the first-fruits of his early and ever watchful observation of men and affairs.

These years, too, saw his first steps in public life, the first efforts to bring him into importance, the first great trials and tests of his character.

They saw the beginning and they saw the end of his relations with the only friend who, at that time, recognised his genius and his purposes, certainly the only friend who ever pushed his claims; they saw the growth of a friendship which was to have so tragical a close, and they saw the beginnings and causes of a bitter personal rivalry which was to last through life, and which was to be a potent element hereafter in Bacon's ruin.

The friend was the Earl of Essex.

The competitor was the ablest, and also the most truculent and unscrupulous of English lawyers, Edward Coke.

While Bacon, in the shade, had been laying the foundations of his philosophy of nature, and vainly suing for legal or political employment, another man had been steadily rising in the Queen's favour and carrying all before him at Court--Robert Devereux, Lord Essex; and with Essex Bacon had formed an acquaintance which had ripened into an intimate and affectionate friendship.

We commonly think of Essex as a vain and insolent favourite, who did ill the greatest work given him to do--the reduction of Ireland; who did it ill from some unexplained reason of spite and mischief; and who, when called to account for it, broke out into senseless and idle rebellion.

This was the end.

But he was not always thus.

He began life with great gifts and noble ends; he was a serious, modest, and large-minded student both of books and things, and he turned his studies to full account.

He had imagination and love of enterprise, which gave him an insight into Bacon's ideas such as none of Bacon's contemporaries had.

He was a man of simple and earnest religion; he sympathized most with the Puritans, because they were serious and because they were hardly used.

Those who most condemn him acknowledge his nobleness and generosity of nature.

Bacon in after days, when all was over between them, spoke of him as a man always _patientissimus veri_; "the more plainly and frankly you shall deal with my lord," he writes elsewhere, "not only in disclosing particulars, but in giving him _caveats_ and admonishing him of any error which in this action he may commit (such is his lordship's nature), the better he will take it."

"He must have seemed," says Mr. Spedding, a little too grandly, "in the eyes of Bacon like the hope of the world."

The two men, certainly, became warmly attached.

Their friendship came to be one of the closest kind, full of mutual services, and of genuine affection on both sides.

It was not the relation of a great patron and useful dependant; it was, what might be expected in the two men, that of affectionate equality.

Each man was equally capable of seeing what the other was, and saw it.

What Essex's feelings were towards Bacon the results showed.

Bacon, in after years, repeatedly claimed to have devoted his whole time and labour to Essex's service.

Holding him, he says, to be "the fittest instrument to do good to the State, I applied myself to him in a manner which I think rarely happeneth among men;

neglecting the Queen's service, mine own fortune, and, in a sort, my vocation, I did nothing but advise and ruminate with myself ...

anything that might concern his lordship's honour, fortune, or service."

The claim is far too wide.

The "Queen's service" had hardly as yet come much in Bacon's way, and he never neglected it when it did come, nor his own fortune or vocation; his letters remain to attest his care in these respects.

But no doubt Bacon was then as ready to be of use to Essex, the one man who seemed to understand and value him, as Essex was desirous to be of use to Bacon.

And it seemed as if Essex would have the ability as well as the wish.

Essex was, without exception, the most brilliant man who ever appeared at Elizabeth's Court, and it seemed as if he were going to be the most powerful.

Leicester was dead.

Burghley was growing old, and indisposed for the adventures and levity which, with all her grand power of ruling, Elizabeth loved.

She needed a favourite, and Essex was unfortunately marked out for what she wanted.

He had Leicester's fascination, without his mean and cruel selfishness.

He was as generous, as gallant, as quick to descry all great things in art and life, as Philip Sidney, with more vigour and fitness for active life than Sidney.

He had not Raleigh's sad, dark depths of thought, but he had a daring courage equal to Raleigh's, without Raleigh's cynical contempt for mercy and honour.

He had every personal advantage requisite for a time when intellect, and ready wit, and high-tempered valour, and personal beauty, and skill in affairs, with equal skill in amusements, were expected to go together in the accomplished courtier.

And Essex was a man not merely to be courted and admired, to shine and dazzle, but to be loved.

Elizabeth, with her strange and perverse emotional constitution, loved him, if she ever loved any one.

Every one who served him loved him; and he was, as much as any one could be in those days, a popular favourite.

Under better fortune he might have risen to a great height of character; in Elizabeth's Court he was fated to be ruined.

For in that Court all the qualities in him which needed control received daily stimulus, and his ardour and high-aiming temper turned into impatience and restless irritability.

He had a mistress who was at one time in the humour to be treated as a tender woman, at another as an outrageous flirt, at another as the haughtiest and most imperious of queens; her mood varied, no one could tell how, and it was most dangerous to mistake it.

It was part of her pleasure to find in her favourite a spirit as high, a humour as contradictory and determined, as her own; it was the charming contrast to the obsequiousness or the prudence of the rest; but no one could be sure at what unlooked-for moment, and how fiercely, she might resent in earnest a display of what she had herself encouraged.

Essex was ruined for all real greatness by having to suit himself to this bewildering and most unwholesome and degrading waywardness.

She taught him to think himself irresistible in opinion and in claims; she amused herself in teaching him how completely he was mistaken.

Alternately spoiled and crossed, he learned to be exacting, unreasonable, absurd in his pettish resentments or brooding sullenness.

He learned to think that she must be dealt with by the same methods which she herself employed.

The effect was not produced in a moment; it was the result of a courtiership of sixteen years.

But it ended in corrupting a noble nature.

Essex came to believe that she who cowed others must be frightened herself; that the stinging injustice which led a proud man to expect, only to see how he would behave when refused, deserved to be brought to reason by a counter-buffet as rough as her own insolent caprice.

He drifted into discontent, into disaffection, into neglect of duty, into questionable schemings for the future of a reign that must shortly end, into criminal methods of guarding himself, of humbling his rivals and regaining influence.

A

"fatal impatience," as Bacon calls it, gave his rivals an advantage which, perhaps in self-defence, they could not fail to take; and that career, so brilliant, so full of promise of good, ended in misery, in dishonour, in remorse, on the scaffold of the Tower.

With this attractive and powerful person Bacon's fortunes, in the last years of the century, became more and more knit up.

Bacon was now past thirty, Essex a few years younger.

In spite of Bacon's apparent advantage and interest at Court, in spite of abilities, which, though his genius was not yet known, his contemporaries clearly recognised, he was still a struggling and unsuccessful man: ambitious to rise, for no unworthy reasons, but needy, in weak health, with careless and expensive habits, and embarrassed with debt.

He had hoped to rise by the favour of the Queen and for the sake of his father.

For some ill-explained reason he was to the last disappointed.

Though she used him "for matters of state and revenue," she either did not like him, or did not see in him the servant she wanted to advance.

He went on to the last pressing his uncle, Lord Burghley.

He applied in the humblest terms, he made himself useful with his pen, he got his mother to write for him; but Lord Burghley, probably because he thought his nephew more of a man of letters than a sound lawyer and practical public servant, did not care to bring him forward.

From his cousin, Robert Cecil, Bacon received polite words and friendly assurances.

Cecil may have undervalued him, or have been jealous of him, or suspected him as a friend of Essex; he certainly gave Bacon good reason to think that his words meant nothing.

Except Essex, and perhaps his brother Antony--the most affectionate and devoted of brothers--no one had yet recognised all that Bacon was.

Meanwhile time was passing.

The vastness, the difficulties, the attractions of that conquest of all knowledge which he dreamed of, were becoming greater every day to his thoughts.

The law, without which he could not live, took up time and brought in little.

Attendance on the Court was expensive, yet indispensable, if he wished for place.

His mother was never very friendly, and thought him absurd and extravagant.

Debts increased and creditors grumbled.

The outlook was discouraging, when his friendship with Essex opened to him a more hopeful prospect.

In the year 1593 the Attorney-General's place was vacant, and Essex, who in that year became a Privy Councillor, determined that Bacon should be Attorney-General.

Bacon's reputation as a lawyer was overshadowed by his philosophical and literary pursuits.

He was thought young for the office, and he had not yet served in any subordinate place.

And there was another man, who was supposed to carry all English law in his head, full of rude force and endless precedents, hard of heart and voluble of tongue, who also wanted it.

An Attorney-General was one who would bring all the resources and hidden subtleties of English law to the service of the Crown, and use them with thorough-going and unflinching resolution against those whom the Crown accused of treason, sedition, or invasion of the prerogative.

It is no wonder that the Cecils, and the Queen herself, thought Coke likely to be a more useful public servant than Bacon: it is certain what Coke himself thought about it, and what his estimate was of the man whom Essex was pushing against him.

But Essex did not take up his friend's cause in the lukewarm fashion in which Burghley had patronised his nephew.

There was nothing that Essex pursued with greater pertinacity.

He importuned the Queen.

He risked without scruple offending her.

She apparently long shrank from directly refusing his request.

The Cecils were for Coke--the "_Huddler_" as Bacon calls him, in a letter to Essex; but the appointment was delayed.

All through 1593, and until April, 1594, the struggle went on.

When Robert Cecil suggested that Essex should be content with the Solicitor's place for Bacon, "praying him to be well advised, for if his Lordship had spoken of that it might have been of easier digestion to the Queen," he turned round on Cecil-- "Digest me no digesting," said the Earl; "for the Attorneyship is that I must have for Francis Bacon; and in that I will spend my uttermost credit, friendship, and authority against whomsoever, and that whosoever went about to procure it to others, that it should cost both the mediators and the suitors the setting on before they came by it.

And this be you assured of, Sir Robert," quoth the Earl, "for now do I fully declare myself; and for your own part, Sir Robert, I do think much and strange both of my Lord your father and you, that can have the mind to seek the preferment of a stranger before so near a kinsman; namely, considering if you weigh in a balance his parts and sufficiency in any respect with those of his competitor, excepting only four poor years of admittance, which Francis Bacon hath more than recompensed with the priority of his reading; in all other respects you shall find no comparison between them."

But the Queen's disgust at some very slight show of independence on Bacon's part in Parliament, unforgiven in spite of repeated apologies, together with the influence of the Cecils and the pressure of so formidable and so useful a man as Coke, turned the scale against Essex.

In April, 1594, Coke was made Attorney.

Coke did not forget the pretender to law, as he would think him, who had dared so long to dispute his claims; and Bacon was deeply wounded.

"No man," he thought, "had ever received a more exquisite disgrace," and he spoke of retiring to Cambridge "to spend the rest of his life in his studies and contemplations."

But Essex was not discouraged.

He next pressed eagerly for the Solicitorship.

Again, after much waiting, he was foiled.

An inferior man was put over Bacon's head.

Bacon found that Essex, who could do most things, for some reason could not do this.

He himself, too, had pressed his suit with the greatest importunity on the Queen, on Burghley, on Cecil, on every one who could help him; he reminded the Queen how many years ago it was since he first kissed her hand in her service, and ever since had used his wits to please; but it was all in vain.

For once he lost patience.

He was angry with Essex; the Queen's anger with Essex had, he thought, recoiled on his friend.

He was angry with the Queen; she held his long waiting cheap; she played with him and amused herself with delay; he would go abroad, and he "knew her Majesty's nature, that she neither careth though the whole surname of the Bacons travelled, nor of the Cecils neither."

He was very angry with Robert Cecil; affecting not to believe them, he tells him stories he has heard of his corrupt and underhand dealing.

He writes almost a farewell letter of ceremonious but ambiguous thanks to Lord Burghley, hoping that he would impute any offence that Bacon might have given to the "complexion of a suitor, and a tired sea-sick suitor," and speaking despairingly of his future success in the law.

The humiliations of what a suitor has to go through torment him: "It is my luck," he writes to Cecil, "still to be akin to such things as I neither like in nature nor would willingly meet with in my course, but yet cannot avoid without show of base timorousness or else of unkind or suspicious strangeness."

And to his friend Fulke Greville he thus unburdens himself: "SIR,--I understand of your pains to have visited me, for which I thank you.

My matter is an endless question.

I assure you I had said _Requiesce anima mea_; but I now am otherwise put to my psalter; _Nolite confidere_.

I dare go no further.

Her Majesty had by set speech more than once assured me of her intention to call me to her service, which I could not understand but of the place I had been named to.

And now whether _invidus homo hoc fecit_; or whether my matter must be an appendix to my Lord of Essex suit; or whether her Majesty, pretending to prove my ability, meaneth but to take advantage of some errors which, like enough, at one time or other I may commit; or what is it?

but her Majesty is not ready to despatch it.

And what though the Master of the Rolls, and my Lord of Essex, and yourself, and others, think my case without doubt, yet in the meantime I have a hard condition, to stand so that whatsoever service I do to her Majesty it shall be thought to be but _servitium viscatum_, lime-twigs and fetches to place myself; and so I shall have envy, not thanks.

This is a course to quench all good spirits, and to corrupt every man's nature, which will, I fear, much hurt her Majesty's service in the end.

I have been like a piece of stuff bespoken in the shop; and if her Majesty will not take me, it may be the selling by parcels will be more gainful.

For to be, as I told you, like a child following a bird, which when he is nearest flieth away and lighteth a little before, and then the child after it again, and so _in infinitum_, I am weary of it; as also of wearying my good friends, of whom, nevertheless, I hope in one course or other gratefully to deserve.

And so, not forgetting your business, I leave to trouble you with this idle letter; being but _justa et moderata querimonia_; for indeed I do confess, _primus amor_ will not easily be cast off.

And thus again I commend me to you."

After one more effort the chase was given up, at least for the moment;

for it was soon resumed.

But just now Bacon felt that all the world was against him.

He would retire "out of the sunshine into the shade."

One friend only encouraged him.

He did more.

He helped him when Bacon most wanted help, in his straitened and embarrassed "estate."

Essex, when he could do nothing more, gave Bacon an estate worth at least £1800. Bacon's resolution is recorded in the following letter: "IT MAY PLEASE YOUR GOOD LORDSHIP,--I pray God her Majesty's weighing be not like the weight of a balance, _gravia deorsum levia sursum_.

But I am as far from being altered in devotion towards her, as I am from distrust that she will be altered in opinion towards me, when she knoweth me better.

For myself, I have lost some opinion, some time, and some means; this is my account; but then for opinion, it is a blast that goeth and cometh; for time, it is true it goeth and cometh not; but yet I have learned that it may be redeemed.

For means, I value that most; and the rather, _because I am purposed not to follow the practice of the law_ (_if her Majesty command me in any particular, I shall be ready to do her willing service_); and my reason is only, _because it drinketh too much time, which I have dedicated to better purposes_.

But even for that point of estate and means, I partly lean to Thales' opinion, That a philosopher may be rich if he will.

Thus your Lordship seeth how I comfort myself; to the increase whereof I would fain please myself to believe that to be true which my Lord Treasurer writeth;

which is, that it is more than a philosopher morally can disgest.

But without any such high conceit, I esteem it like the pulling out of an aching tooth, which, I remember, when I was a child, and had little philosophy, I was glad of when it was done.

For your Lordship, I do think myself more beholding to you than to any man.

And I say, I reckon myself as a _common_ (not popular but _common_); and as much as is lawful to be enclosed of a common, so much your Lordship shall be sure to have.

--Your Lordship's to obey your honourable commands, more settled than ever."

It may be that, as Bacon afterwards maintained, the closing sentences of this letter implied a significant reserve of his devotion.

But during the brilliant and stormy years of Essex's career which followed, Bacon's relations to him continued unaltered.

Essex pressed Bacon's claims whenever a chance offered.

He did his best to get Bacon a rich wife--the young widow of Sir Christopher Hatton--but in vain.

Instead of Bacon she accepted Coke, and became famous afterwards in the great family quarrel, in which Coke and Bacon again found themselves face to face, and which nearly ruined Bacon before the time.

Bacon worked for Essex when he was wanted, and gave the advice which a shrewd and cautious friend would give to a man who, by his success and increasing pride and self-confidence, was running into serious dangers, arming against himself deadly foes, and exposing himself to the chances of fortune.

Bacon was nervous about Essex's capacity for war, a capacity which perhaps was not proved, even by the most brilliant exploit of the time, the capture of Cadiz, in which Essex foreshadowed the heroic but well-calculated audacities of Nelson and Cochrane, and showed himself as little able as they to bear the intoxication of success, and to work in concert with envious and unfriendly associates.

At the end of the year 1596, the year in which Essex had won such reputation at Cadiz, Bacon wrote him a letter of advice and remonstrance.

It is a lively picture of the defects and dangers of Essex's behaviour as the Queen's favourite; and it is a most characteristic and worldly-wise summary of the ways which Bacon would have him take, to cure the one and escape the other.

Bacon had, as he says, "good reason to think that the Earl's fortune comprehended his own."

And the letter may perhaps be taken as an indirect warning to Essex that Bacon must, at any rate, take care of his own fortune, if the Earl persisted in dangerous courses.

Bacon shows how he is to remove the impressions, strong in the Queen's mind, of Essex's defects; how he is, by due submissions and stratagems, to catch her humour-- "But whether I counsel you the best, or for the best, duty bindeth me to offer to you my wishes.

I said to your Lordship last time, _Martha, Martha, attendis ad plurima, unum sufficit_; win the Queen: if this be not the beginning, of any other course I see no end."

Bacon gives a series of minute directions how Essex is to disarm the Queen's suspicions, and to neutralize the advantage which his rivals take of them; how he is to remove "the opinion of his nature being _opiniastre_ and not rulable;" how, avoiding the faults of Leicester and Hatton, he is, as far as he can, to "allege them for authors and patterns."

Especially, he must give up that show of soldier-like distinction, which the Queen so disliked, and take some quiet post at Court.

He must not alarm the Queen by seeking popularity; he must take care of his estate; he must get rid of some of his officers; and he must not be disquieted by other favourites.