Montcalm and Wolfe — Chapter 28, Part 2

[Footnote 800: _Lévis à Bourlamaque, 15 Sept_.

1759. Lévis, _Guerre du Canada.

_] He spoke his mind freely; loudly blamed the retreat, and urged Vaudreuil to march back with all speed to whence he came.

[801] The Governor, stiff at ordinary times, but pliant at a crisis, welcomed the firmer mind that decided for him, consented that the troops should return, and wrote afterwards in his despatch to the Minister: "I was much charmed to find M. de Lévis disposed to march with the army towards Quebec."

[802] [Footnote 801: _Bigot au Ministre, 15 Oct.

1759. Malartic à Bourlamaque, 28 Sept_.

1759. ] [Footnote 802: "Je fus bien charmé," etc. _Vaudreuil au Ministre, 5 Oct.

_ 1759. ] Lévis, on his part, wrote: "The condition in which I found the army, bereft of everything, did not discourage me, because M.

de Vaudreuil told me that Quebec was not taken, and that he had left there a sufficiently numerous garrison; I therefore resolved, in order to repair the fault that had been committed, to engage M.

de Vaudreuil to march the army back to the relief of the place.

I represented to him that this was the only way to prevent the complete defection of the Canadians and Indians; that our knowledge of the country would enable us to approach very near the enemy, whom we knew to be intrenching themselves on the heights of Quebec and constructing batteries to breach the walls; that if we found their army ill posted, we could attack them, or, at any rate, could prolong the siege by throwing men and supplies into the town; and that if we could not save it, we could evacuate and burn it, so that the enemy could not possibly winter there."

[803] [Footnote 803: _Lévis au Ministre, 10 Nov_.

1759. ] Lévis quickly made his presence felt in the military chaos about him.

Bigot bestirred himself with his usual vigor to collect provisions; and before the next morning all was ready.

[804] Bougainville had taken no part in the retreat, but sturdily held his ground at Cap-Rouge while the fugitive mob swept by him.

A hundred of the mounted Canadians who formed part of his command were now sent to Quebec, each with a bag of biscuit across his saddle.

They were to circle round to the Beauport side, where there was no enemy, and whence they could cross the St. Charles in canoes to the town.

Bougainville followed close with a larger supply.

Vaudreuil sent Ramesay a message, revoking his order to surrender if threatened with assault, telling him to hold out to the last, and assuring him that the whole army was coming to his relief.

Lévis hastened to be gone; but first he found time to write a few lines to Bourlamaque.

"We have had a very great loss, for we have lost M. de Montcalm.

I regret him as my general and my friend.

I found our army here.

It is now on the march to retrieve our fortunes.

I can trust you to hold your position; as I have not M. de Montcalm's talents, I look to you to second me and advise me.

Put a good face on it.

Hide this business as long as you can.

I am mounting my horse this moment.

Write me all the news."

[805] [Footnote 804: _Livre d'Ordres, Ordre du 17-18 Sept_.

1759. ] [Footnote 805: _Lévis a Bourlamaque, 18 Sept_.

1759. ] The army marched that morning, the eighteenth.

In the evening it reached St. Augustin; and here it was stopped by the chilling news that Quebec had surrendered.

Utter confusion had reigned in the disheartened garrison.

Men deserted hourly, some to the country, and some to the English camp; while Townshend pushed his trenches nearer and nearer to the walls, in spite of the cannonade with which Piedmont and his artillerymen tried to check them.

On the evening of the seventeenth, the English ships of war moved towards the Lower Town, and a column of troops was seen approaching over the meadows of the St. Charles, as if to storm the Palace Gate.

The drums beat the alarm; but the militia refused to fight.

Their officers came to Ramesay in a body; declared that they had no mind to sustain an assault;

that they knew he had orders against it; that they would carry their guns back to the arsenal; that they were no longer soldiers, but citizens; that if the army had not abandoned them they would fight with as much spirit as ever; but that they would not get themselves killed to no purpose.

The town-major, Joannès, in a rage, beat two of them with the flat of his sword.

The white flag was raised; Joannès pulled it down, thinking, or pretending to think, that it was raised without authority;

but Ramesay presently ordered him to go to the English camp and get what terms he could.

He went, through driving rain, to the quarters of Townshend, and, in hope of the promised succor, spun out the negotiation to the utmost, pretended that he had no power to yield certain points demanded, and was at last sent back to confer with Ramesay, under a promise from the English commander that, if Quebec were not given up before eleven o'clock, he would take it by storm.

On this Ramesay signed the articles, and Joannes carried them back within the time prescribed.

Scarcely had he left the town, when the Canadian horsemen appeared with their sacks of biscuit and a renewed assurance that help was near; but it was too late.

Ramesay had surrendered, and would not break his word.

He dreaded an assault, which he knew he could not withstand, and he but half believed in the promised succor.

"How could I trust it"?

he asks.

"The army had not dared to face the enemy before he had fortified himself;

and could I hope that it would come to attack him in an intrenched camp, defended by a formidable artillery?"

Whatever may be thought of his conduct, it was to Vaudreuil, and not to him, that the loss of Quebec was due.

The conditions granted were favorable, for Townshend knew the danger of his position, and was glad to have Quebec on any terms.

The troops and sailors of the garrison were to march out of the place with the honors of war, and to be carried to France.

The inhabitants were to have protection in person and property, and free exercise of religion.

[806] [Footnote 806: _Articles de Capitulation, 18 Sept_.

1759. ] In the afternoon a company of artillerymen with a field-piece entered the town, and marched to the place of arms, followed by a body of infantry.

Detachments took post at all the gates.

The British flag was raised on the heights near the top of Mountain Street, and the capital of New France passed into the hands of its hereditary foes.

The question remained, should they keep, or destroy it?

It was resolved to keep it at every risk.

The marines, the grenadiers from Louisbourg, and some of the rangers were to reimbark in the fleet; while the ten battalions, with the artillery and one company of rangers, were to remain behind, bide the Canadian winter, and defend the ruins of Quebec against the efforts of Lévis.

Monckton, the oldest brigadier, was disabled by his wound, and could not stay; while Townshend returned home, to parade his laurels and claim more than his share of the honors of victory.

[807] The command, therefore, rested with Murray.

[Footnote 807: _Letter to an Honourable Brigadier-General_ [Townshend], printed in 1760. A _Refutation_ soon after appeared, angry, but not conclusive.

Other replies will be found in the _Imperial Magazine _for 1760. ] The troops were not idle.

Levelling their own field-works, repairing the defences of the town, storing provisions sent ashore from the fleet, making fascines, and cutting firewood, busied them through the autumn days bright with sunshine, or dark and chill with premonition of the bitter months to come.

Admiral Saunders put off his departure longer than he had once thought possible; and it was past the middle of October when he fired a parting salute, and sailed down the river with his fleet.

In it was the ship "Royal William," carrying the embalmed remains of Wolfe.

Montcalm lay in his soldier's grave before the humble altar of the Ursulines, never more to see the home for which he yearned, the wife, mother, and children whom he loved, the olive-trees and chestnut-groves of his beloved Candiac.

He slept in peace among triumphant enemies, who respected his memory, though they hardly knew his resting-place.

It was left for a fellow-countryman--a colleague and a brother-in-arms--to belittle his achievements and blacken his name.

The jealous spite of Vaudreuil pursued him even in death.

Leaving Lévis to command at Jacques-Cartier, whither the army had again withdrawn, the Governor retired to Montreal, whence he wrote a series of despatches to justify himself at the expense of others, and above all of the slain general, against whom his accusations were never so bitter as now, when the lips were cold that could have answered them.

First, he threw on Ramesay all the blame of the surrender of Quebec.

Then he addressed himself to his chief task, the defamation of his unconscious rival.

"The letter that you wrote in cipher, on the tenth of February, to Monsieur the Marquis of Montcalm and me, in common,[808] flattered his self-love to such a degree that, far from seeking conciliation, he did nothing but try to persuade the public that his authority surpassed mine.

From the moment of Monsieur de Montcalm's arrival in this colony, down to that of his death, he did not cease to sacrifice everything to his boundless ambition.

He sowed dissension among the troops, tolerated the most indecent talk against the government, attached to himself the most disreputable persons, used means to corrupt the most virtuous, and, when he could not succeed, became their cruel enemy.

He wanted to be Governor-General.

He privately flattered with favors and promises of patronage every officer of the colony troops who adopted his ideas.

He spared no pains to gain over the people of whatever calling, and persuade them of his attachment;

while, either by himself or by means of the troops of the line, he made them bear the most frightful yoke _(le joug le plus affreux).

_ He defamed honest people, encouraged insubordination, and closed his eyes to the rapine of his soldiers."

[Footnote 808: See _Supra_, p. 462. ] This letter was written to Vaudreuil's official superior and confidant, the Minister of the Marine and Colonies.

In another letter, written about the same time to the Minister of War, who held similar relations to his rival, he declares that he "greatly regretted Monsieur de Montcalm."

[809] [Footnote 809: _Vaudreuil au Ministre de la Guerre, 1 Nov_.

1759. ] His charges are strange ones from a man who was by turns the patron, advocate, and tool of the official villains who cheated the King and plundered the people.

Bigot, Cadet, and the rest of the harpies that preyed on Canada looked to Vaudreuil for support, and found it.

It was but three or four weeks since he had written to the Court in high eulogy of Bigot and effusive praise of Cadet, coupled with the request that a patent of nobility should be given to that notorious public thief.

[810] The corruptions which disgraced his government were rife, not only in the civil administration, but also among the officers of the colony troops, over whom he had complete control.

They did not, as has been seen already, extend to the officers of the line, who were outside the circle of peculation.

It was these who were the habitual associates of Montcalm; and when Vaudreuil charges him with "attaching to himself the most disreputable persons, and using means to corrupt the most virtuous," the true interpretation of his words is that the former were disreputable because they disliked him (the Governor), and the latter virtuous because they were his partisans.

[Footnote 810: See _Supra_, p. 374. ] Vaudreuil continues thus: "I am in despair, Monseigneur, to be under the necessity of painting you such a portrait after death of Monsieur the Marquis of Montcalm.

Though it contains the exact truth, I would have deferred it if his personal hatred to me were alone to be considered; but I feel too deeply the loss of the colony to hide from you the cause of it.

I can assure you that if I had been the sole master, Quebec would still belong to the King, and that nothing is so disadvantageous in a colony as a division of authority and the mingling of troops of the line with marine _[colony]_ troops.

Thoroughly knowing Monsieur de Montcalm, I did not doubt in the least that unless I condescended to all his wishes, he would succeed in ruining Canada and wrecking all my plans."

He then charges the dead man with losing the battle of Quebec by attacking before he, the Governor, arrived to take command; and this, he says, was due to Montcalm's absolute determination to exercise independent authority, without caring whether the colony was saved or lost.

"I cannot hide from you, Monseigneur, that if he had had his way in past years Oswego and Fort George _[William Henry]_ would never have been attacked or taken; and he owed the success at Ticonderoga to the orders I had given him."

[811] Montcalm, on the other hand, declared at the time that Vaudreuil had ordered him not to risk a battle, and that it was only through his disobedience that Ticonderoga was saved.

[Footnote 811: _Vaudreuil au Ministre de la Marine,_ 30 _Oct.

1759. _] Ten days later Vaudreuil wrote again: "I have already had the honor, by my letter written in cipher on the thirteenth of last month, to give you a sketch of the character of Monsieur the Marquis of Montcalm; but I have just been informed of a stroke so black that I think, Monseigneur, that I should fail in my duty to you if I did not tell you of it."

He goes on to say that, a little before his death, and "no doubt in fear of the fate that befell him," Montcalm placed in the hands of Father Roubaud, missionary at St. Francis, two packets of papers containing remarks on the administration of the colony, and especially on the manner in which the military posts were furnished with supplies; that these observations were accompanied by certificates; and that they involved charges against him, the Governor, of complicity inpeculation.

Roubaud, he continues, was to send these papersto France; "but now, Monseigneur, that you are informed about them, I feel no anxiety, and I am sure that the King will receive no impression from them without acquainting himself with their truth or falsity."

Vaudreuil's anxiety was natural; and so was the action of Montcalm in making known to the Court the outrageous abuses that threatened the King's service with ruin.

His doing so was necessary both for his own justification and for the public good; and afterwards, when Vaudreuil and others were brought to trial at Paris, and when one of the counselfor the defence charged the late general with slanderously accusing his clients, the Court ordered the charge to be struck from the record.

[812] The papers the existence of which, if they did exist, so terrified Vaudreuil, have thus far escaped research.

But the correspondence of the two rivals with the chiefs of the departments on which they severally depended is in large measure preserved; and while that of the Governor is filled with defamation of Montcalm and praise of himself, that of the General is neither egotistic nor abusive.

The faults of Montcalm have sufficiently appeared.

They were those of an impetuous, excitable, and impatient nature, by no means free from either ambition or vanity; but they were never inconsistent with the character of a man of honor.

His impulsive utterances, reported by retainers and sycophants, kept Vaudreuil in a state of chronic rage; and, void as he was of all magnanimity, gnawed with undying jealousy, and mortally in dread of being compromised by the knaveries to which he had lent his countenance, he could not contain himself within the bounds of decency or sense.

In another letter he had the baseness to say that Montcalm met his death in trying to escape from the English.

[Footnote 812: _Procès de Bigot, Cadet, et autres.

_] Among the Governor's charges are some which cannot be flatly denied.

When he accuses his rival of haste and precipitation in attacking the English army, he touches a fair subject of criticism; but, as a whole, he is as false in his detraction of Montcalm as in his praises of Bigot and Cadet.

The letter which Wolfe sent to Pitt a few days before his death, written in what may be called a spirit of resolute despair, and representing success as almost hopeless, filled England with a dejection that found utterance in loud grumblings against the Ministry.

Horace Walpole wrote the bad news to his friend Mann, ambassador at Florence: "Two days ago came letters from Wolfe, despairing as much as heroes can despair.

Quebec is well victualled, Amherst is not arrived, and fifteen thousand men are encamped to defend it.

We have lost many men by the enemy, and some by our friends; that is, we now call our nine thousand only seven thousand.

How this little army will get away from a much larger, and in this season, in that country, I don't guess: yes, I do."

Hardly were these lines written when tidings came that Montcalm was defeated, Quebec taken, and Wolfe killed.

A

flood of mixed emotions swept over England.

Even Walpole grew half serious as he sent a packet of newspapers to his friend the ambassador.

"You may now give yourself what airs you please.

An ambassador is the only man in the world whom bullying becomes.

All precedents are on your side: Persians, Greeks, Romans, always insulted their neighbors when they took Quebec.

Think how pert the French would have been on such an occasion!

What a scene!

An army in the night dragging itself up a precipice by stumps of trees to assault a town and attack an enemy strongly intrenched and double in numbers!

The King is overwhelmed with addresses on our victories; he will have enough to paper his palace."

[813] [Footnote 813: _Letters of Horace Walpole_, III.

254, 257 (ed.

Cunningham 1857).

] When, in soberer mood, he wrote the annals of his time, and turned, not for the better, from the epistolary style to the historical, he thus described the impression made on the English public by the touching and inspiring story of Wolfe's heroism and death: "The incidents of dramatic fiction could not be conducted with more address to lead an audience from despondency to sudden exaltation than accident prepared to excite the passions of a whole people.

They despaired, they triumphed, and they wept; for Wolfe had fallen in the hour of victory.

Joy, curiosity, astonishment, was painted on every countenance.

The more they inquired, the more their admiration rose.

Not an incident but was heroic and affecting."

[814] England blazed with bonfires.

In one spot alone all was dark and silent; for here a widowed mother mourned for a loving and devoted son, and the people forbore to profane her grief with the clamor of their rejoicings.

[Footnote 814: Walpole, _Memoirs of George II.

_, II.

384. ] New England had still more cause of joy than Old, and she filled the land with jubilation.

The pulpits resounded with sermons of thanksgiving, some of which were worthy of the occasion that called them forth.

Among the rest, Jonathan Mayhew, a young but justly celebrated minister of Boston, pictured with enthusiasm the future greatness of the British-American colonies, with the continent thrown open before them, and foretold that, "with the continued blessing of Heaven, they will become, in another century or two, a mighty empire;" adding in cautious parenthesis, "_I do not mean an independent one_."

He read Wolfe's victory aright, and divined its far-reaching consequence.

NOTE: The authorities of this chapter are, in the main, the same as those of the preceding, with some additions, the principal of which is the _Mémoire du Sieur de Ramezay, Chevalier de l'Ordre royal et militaire de St. -Louis, cy-devant Lieutenant pour le Roy commandant à Québec, au sujet de la Reddition de cette Ville, qui a été suivie de la Capitulation du 18 7bre 1759_ (Archives de la Marine).

To this document are appended a number of important "pièces justificatives."

These, with the _Mémoire_, have been printed by the Quebec Historical Society.

The letters of Vaudreuil cited in this chapter are chiefly from the Archives Nationales.

If Montcalm, as Vaudreuil says, really intrusted papers to the care of the Jesuit missionary Roubaud, he was not fortunate in his choice of a depositary.

After the war Roubaud renounced his Order, adjured his faith, and went over to the English.

He gave various and contradictory accounts of the documents said to be in his hands.

On one occasion he declared that Montcalm's effects left with him at his mission of St. Francis had been burned to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy (see Verreau, _Report on Canadian Archives_, 1874, p. 183).

Again, he says that he had placed in the hands of the King of England certain letters of Montcalm (see _Mr.

Roubaud's Deplorable Case, humbly submitted to Lord North's Consideration_, in _Historical Magazine_, Second Series, VIII.

283).

Yet again, he speaks of these same letters as "pretended" (Verreau, _as above_).

He complains that some of them had been published, without his consent, "by a Lord belonging to His Majesty's household" (_Mr.

Roubaud's Deplorable Case_).

The allusion here is evidently to a pamphlet printed in London, in 1777, in French and English, and entitled, _Lettres de Monsieur le Marquis de Montcalm, Gouverneur-Général en Canada, à Messieurs de Berryer et de la Molé, écrites dans les Années 1757, 1758, et 1759, avec une Version Angloise_.

They profess to be observations by Montcalm on the English colonies, their political character, their trade, and their tendency to independence.

They bear the strongest marks of being fabricated to suit the times, the colonies being then in revolt.

The principal letter is one addressed to Molé, and bearing date Quebec, Aug.

24, 1759. It foretells the loss of her colonies as a consequence to England of her probable conquest of Canada.

I laid before the Massachusetts Historical Society my reasons for believing this letter, like the rest, an imposture (see the _Proceedings_ of that Society for 1869-1870, pp. 112-128).

To these reasons it may be added that at the date assigned to the letter all correspondence was stopped between Canada and France.

From the arrival of the English fleet, at the end of spring, till its departure, late in autumn, communication was completely cut off.

It was not till towards the end of November, when the river was clear of English ships, that the naval commander Kanon ran by the batteries of Quebec and carried to France the first news from Canada.

Some of the letters thus sent were dated a month before, and had waited in Canada till Kanon's departure.

Abbé Verreau--a high authority on questions of Canadian history--tells me a comparison of the handwriting has convinced him that these pretended letters of Montcalm are the work of Roubaud.

On the burial of Montcalm, see Appendix J. Chapter 29

1759, 1760